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TBtlBNEE & CO., 57 and 59, LTJDGATE HILL. 


(All Right* retervtd.) 

Hertford : 
htrfhbn austin a.nd sons, printers. 



Chapter I. — Structure op Verbal Stems. 

§ 1 . Structure of the Sanskrit Verb .... 1 

§ 2. Beginnings of the Analytical System in Sanskrit 6 
§ 3. Conjugations of the Pali Verb .... 8 

§ 4. Tenses of the Pali Verb . . . . 11 

§§ 5. 6. The Verb in Jaina Prakrit . . .16 

§ 7. Scenic Prakrit Verb ..... 22 

§ 8. Apabhranga Verbal Forms . . .25 

§ 9. The Modern Verbal Stem .... 28 

§ 10. Phases of the Verb . . . . .29 

§11. Single and Double Stems .... 32 

§ 12. Single Neuter Stems from Sanskrit BHT? Boots . 33 

§ 13. The same from other Classes of Sanskrit Boots 36 

§ 14. Modern Neuter Stems from Sanskrit Past Participles 37 

§ 15. Single Active Stems ..... 40 

§ 16. Treatment of Sanskrit Boots ending in a Vowel . 42 

§ 17. The Stem DEKH ..... 45 

§ 18. Double Verbs ...... 46 

§ 19. Sindhi Double Stems Differing in the Final Consonant 48 

§ 20. Double Stems Differing in Vowel and Final Consonant . 52 

§ 21. Double Stems Differing only in the Vowel 54 

§ 22. Examples and Illustrations . . .58 

§ 23. Laws of the Formation of Modern Stems 66 

§ 24. The Passive Intransitive . . . .68 

§ 25. The Passive ...... 71 

§ 26. The Causal ...... 75 

§ 27. The Passive Causal ..... 82 



§ 28. The Causal in a Neuter Sense 
§ 29. Secondary Stems 
§ 30. Reduplicated and Imitative Stems 
§ 31. Gipsy Verbal Stems . 



Chapter II. — The Simple Tenses. 

§ 32. Classification of Tenses .... 

§ 33. The Simple Present or Aorist 

§ 34. The Imperative ..... 

§ 35. The Future in Old-Hindi and Gujarati 

§ 36. Type of the Active Verb in Sindhi and Marathi . 

§ 37. Synopsis of the Simple Tenses in all Seven Languages 

§ 38. Simple Tenses in the Gipsy Verb 


Chapter III. — The Participial Tenses. 

§ 39. Definition of the Participial Tenses . . . 121 

§ 40. The Present Participle Active . . . .123 

§ 41. Tenses formed thereby — the Sindhi Future . . 126 

§ 42. Marathi Indicative and Conditional Present . .127 

§ 43. Bangali and Oriya Conditional . • . 129 

§ 44. Hindi, Panjabi, and Gujarati Present . . .131 
§ 45. The Past Participle Passive . . . .132 

§ 46. Early Tadbhava Participles in Sindhi and Panjabi . 136 

§ 47. The same in Gujarati and Marathi . . . 141 

§ 48. The same in Old and New Hindi . . .144 

§ 49. Tenses formed from the Past Participle . 147 

§ 50. The Prayogas . . . . .151 

§ 51. The Future Participle Passive . . . 152 

§ 52. Tenses formed from it in Sindhi, Gujarati, and Marathi . 155 

§ 53. The Future in Oriya, Bengali, and Eastern Hindi . 158 

§ 54. The Hindi and Panjabi Future . . . .160 

§ 55. Marathi Future compared with that in certain Hindi 

Dialects ...... 161 

§ 56. Synopsis of the Participial Tenses in all Seven Languages 164 

§ 57. Participial Tenses in the Gipsy Verb . .168 



Chapter IV. — The Compound Tenses. 

§ 58. Definition of the Compound Tenses and Auxiliary Verbs 
§ 59. The Boot AS— Present Tense 


§ 60. Imperfect in Panjabi and Gipsy . 

§ 61. AS, with a Negative .... 

§ 62. Compound Tenses formed with AS 

§ 63. The Boot ACHH — Discussion as to its Origin 

§ 64. Tenses derived therefrom 

§ 65. Compound Tenses formed therewith . 

§ 66. BHtl— -the Simple Tenses 

§ 67. id. — the Participial Tenses 

§ 68. Compound Tenses formed therewith 

§ 69. STHA ..... 

§ 70. YA 

§ 71. Ancillary Verbs Defined 

§ 72. Examples of Ancillaries . 

Chapter V. — Other Verbal Forms. 

§ 73. The Conjunctive Participle .... 

§ 74. The Infinitive ...... 

§ 75. The Agent ...... 

§ 76. Sindhi Verbs with Pronominal Suffixes 

§ 77. Conjugation of Stems ending in Vowels in Hindi, Panjabi, 
and Sindhi ..... 

§ 78. The same in Marathi ..... 

§ 79. The same in Bangali and Oriya 

Chapter VI. — The Particle. 

§ 80. Adverbs, Nominal and Pronominal 

§ 81. Pronominal Adverbs of Time, Place, and Manner 

§ 82. Adverbs Derived from Nouns and Verbs . 

§ 83. Conjunctions ..... 
§ 84. Interjections .... 

§ 85. Postpositions ..... 

§ 86. Conclusion .... 

General Ikdex to the Three Volumes 























3, 19, for this much read such. 
10, 9, for *T^V?T read t^ft. 
14, 28, for different read difficult. 
19, 21, for IjVerOT read ^^fif . 
21, 26, for fttOfflfleti read firfV- 

34, 3 from be1ow,forPaft read Prakrit 

36, 8, for bhdla read 6Aa/a. 

39, 26, for 1!|pfl Spread ^fris^. 

44, 2, for detu read dehi. 

47, 26, «fek that. 

50, 16, for <R^r read H*V- 

50, 18, after toorrf a full stop instead 

of a comma. 
52, 13, for discharged read discharge, 
56, 5, for 90 read 38 (ed. Stenzler). 

56, 7, for °f*nF?° read °f?pnn °. 

57, 28, for Tgm read ^TE. 

58, 5, after Pali a full stop instead 

of a comma. 
61, 25, for Madid read hlatu. 
63, 4, for masj read majj. 
65, 9, for 7($5 read *T95- 
70, 12, for phrase read phase. 
73, 16, for ifTft read ?TT^- 
83, 24, for JH*|<4| read 3TTn[*l- 
105, 6, for ^ read ^%. 

112, last but one, for If^rft read qr^Ft 
114, 21, for HR read ^5R. 


124, 1, dele comma after hearing. 

134, 6, for ^t%Wt r «ad tft^ft- 

135, 29, after dielala insert f ; for 

dielaf, etc., read delaf, etc. 

140, 31, for f^Fmn read f*T3WT- 

141, 19, for ^TfiT read if^Tf- 
149, 24, for asmdh read asmah. 
154, 29, for WTWT read WTTOT • 

162, 7, for HT^ft read HT^Wt- 

163, 2, the words ' aorist WZ\' should 

be put between brackets. 

175, 29, for Ludhiana read Lodiana. 

176, 5 from below, for Pr. read P. 

178, 18, for Nuanti read Nuhanti. 

179, 24, for ^TT read ^1T. 

196, 10, for 'Daughter 'read 'Laughter.' 
196, 17, for ^fif read ^f^fif , 
202, 2 from below, for 59 read 60. 
214, 4, for Imperfect read Imperative. 
225, 29, for t^flft read ^pft. 
250, 17, for Imperfect read Imperative. 
254, 5, for Oriya read Aryan. 
257, 3, for ilTOT read <J4||. 
262, 22, for qrof read ^TT. 
262, 23, for Wfa read WTCf • 
262, 23, for Wftt read ^fffi- 

262, 23, for its read as. 

263, 6, for H.-D. read JBT.-D. 
267, 9, for ^ffTT read ^rffTT. 







CONTENTS.—-} 1. Structure of the Sanskrit Vehb. — } 2. Beginnings of 
the Analytical System in Sanskkit. — } 3. Conjugations of the Pali 
Verb. — § 4. Tenses of the Pali Verb. — § § 5, 6. The Verb in Jaina 
Prakrit.— § 7. Scenic Prakrit Vbrb.— } 8. Apabhranca Verbal Forms. 
— } 9. The Modern Verbal Stem. — § 10. Phases of thb Verb.— § 11. 
Single and Double Stems. — } 12. Single Neuter Stems from Sanskrit 
BEU Boots. — } 13. The same from other Classes of Sanskrit Boots. — 
} 14. Modern Neuter Stems from Sanskrit Passive Past Participles. 
— } 15. Single Active Stems.— $ 16. Treatment of Sanskrit Boots 
ending in a Vowel. — § 17. The Stem DEKH. — { 18. Double Verbs.— 
} 19. Sindhi Double Stems Differing in the Final Consonant.—} 20. 
Double Stems Differing in Vowel and Final Consonant. — § 21. Double 
Stems Differing only in the Vowel. — § 22. Examples and Illustra- 
tions.—} 23. Laws of the Formation of Modern Stems. — } 24. Thb 
Passive Intransitive.—} 25. The Passive. — } 26. The Causal. — } 27. 
The Passive Causal.—} 28. The Causal in a Neuter Sense. — } 29. 
Sbcondart Stbm8.— § 30. Bbduplioatbd and Imitative Stems.—} 31. 
Gipsy Verbal Stems. 

§ 1. The Sanskrit verb, with its long array of tenses, intricate 
phonetic changes, and elaborate rules of formation, seems to 
have been subjected at a very early period to processes of 
vol. m. 1 


simplification. Indeed, we may be permitted to hold that 
some, at least, of the forms laid down in the works of Sanskrit 
grammarians, were never actually in use in the spoken lan- 
guage, and with all due deference to the opinions of scholars, 
it may be urged that much of this elaborate development arose 
in an age when the speech of the people had wandered very far 
away from the classical type. Even if it were not so, even if 
there ever were a time when the Aryan peasant used poly- 
syllabic desideratives, and was familiar with multiform aorists, 
it is clear that he began to satisfy himself with a simpler 
system at a very distant epoch, for the range of forms in 
Pali and the other Prakrits is far narrower than in classical 

Simplification is in fact the rule in all branches of the Indo- 
European family of languages, and in those we are now dis- 
cussing, the verb follows this general law. To make this clear, 
it may be well to give here, as a preliminary matter, a slight 
sketch of the structure of the verb as it stands in the Sanskrit 
and Prakrit stages of development. 

In that stage of the Sanskrit language which is usually ac- 
cepted as the classical one, the verb is synthetical throughout, 
except in one or two tenses where, as will be hereafter shown, 
the analytical method has already begun to show itself. By 
separating the inflectional additions, and unravelling the 
euphonic changes necessitated by them, we may arrive at a 
residuum or grammarian's abstraction called the root. These 
roots, which have no real existence in spoken language, serve 
as useful and indispensable pegs on which to hang the long 
chain of forms which would otherwise defy all attempts at 
reducing them to order. Some writers have lately thought fit 
to sneer at the philologist and his roots, and have made them- 
selves merry over imaginary pictures of a time when the 
human race talked to each other in roots only. These gentle- 
men set up a bugbear of their own creation for the purpose of 


pulling it to pieces again. No one, as far as I am aware, has 
ever asserted that at a given period of the world's history a 
certain race of men used such words as bh&, gam, or kar, till 
some one hit on the ingenious device of adding to bhit the word 
ami, and, modifying bhit into bhava, burst upon his astonished 
countrymen with the newly-discovered word bhavdmi, " I am."' 
What has been asserted, and truly too, is that in Sanskrit we 
find a large number of words expressing the idea of " being/' 
in which the consonantal sound bh is followed by various 
vowels and semivowels, which, according to phonetic laws, 
spring from the vowel &, and that as, for scientific purposes, 
some common generic term is required to enable us to include 
under one head all parts of the verb, we are justified in putting 
together these two constant unvarying elements, and so obtain- 
ing a neat technical expression bhu, to which, as to a common 
factor, can be referred all the words expressive of " being " in 
its relations of time, person, and condition. Analysis and ar- 
rangement of this sort is an essential part of every science, and 
the native grammarians had done this much work for us before 
European skill was brought to bear on the subject. 

Verbal roots, then, are grammarians' tickets, by which actual 
spoken words are classified and arranged in groups for con- 
venience of investigation. The roots in Sanskrit are mostly 
monosyllabic, consisting of a consonant followed by a vowel, as 
bh&, yd, ni, or of a vowel followed by a consonant, as ad, ish, 
ubh, or of a vowel between two consonants, as kar, gam, pat 
Roots may also consist of a single vowel, as i, and in the place 
of a single consonant there may be a nexus, as grah, pinj, mlai. 
Those roots which have more than one syllable are usually of a 
secondary nature, being in some cases produced by reduplica- 
tion, s&jdgar, in others made from nouns, as kumdr. 

Each verbal root presents six phases or grades of action: 
active, neuter, passive, causal, desiderative, intensive. All 
these are distinguished by certain modifications of the letters 


of the root, and by certain prefixed and affixed syllables. Thus 
wMm, " to be," undergoes the following modifications : 

Active ) , 
Neuter ) 

Passive bhftya. 

Carnal bh&vaya. 

Dmderative bubhfisha. 

Intensive bobhftya. 

The causal also is in some cases treated as primary stem, and 
gives rise to subsidiary forms; thus from p&taya "cause to 
fall/' is made a passive pdtt/a, whence comes a desiderative 
causal pip&tayisha. 

Each of these six phases may be conjugated throughout 
thirteen tenses, in each of which are nine forms representing 
the three persons of the singular, dual, and pluraL It rarely 
happens in practice that any one verbal root exhibits the whole 
of these forms, but if we regard the general type, we may 
fairly say that a Sanskrit verb, as an individual entity, is an 
aggregate of seven hundred and two words, all agreeing in 
expressing modifications of the idea contained in the root- 
syllable, which is the common inheritance of them all. 1 Of 
the thirteen tenses, nine are conjugated according to certain 
rules which, with some exceptions, hold good for all verbs in 
the language, but the remaining four tenses are subject to 
rules by which they are divided into ten classes or conjuga- 
tions. These four are the present, imperfect, imperative, and 
optative; and before we can determine what form a verbal 

1 Namely, 6 phases x 13 tenses x 9 persons =702. Bnt this is an extreme calcu- 
lation, for the Subjunctive (Let) " only found in Vedic Sanskrit ; and the two forms 
of the Perfect (lit) may be regarded as variations of the same tense. Thus the 
number of tenses may be reduced to ten, viz. Present (Lat), Imperfect (Lan), 
Optative (Lin), Imperative (Lot), Perfect (Lit), Aorist (Lun), Future (Lrt), Con- 
ditional (Lrn), Second Future (Lu{), BenedictiYe (&s*ir Lin). By this reckoning the 
number of forms would be 6 x 10 x 9 = 640* 


root can take in any of these tenses, we must know what con- 
jugation it belongs to. 

Inasmuch also as the Sanskrit grammarians class the active 
and neuter phases together, we must find out which of these 
two phases any given verb employs, for the terminations of the 
tenses and persons are different. Some verbs employ both, but 
the majority are conjugated only in one of the two, and as 
there is no rule as to which of the two is to be used, the dic- 
tionary is our only guide. The active, or Parasmaipada, as it 
is called, stands to the neuter, or Atmanepada, in the same rela- 
tion as the active in Greek does to the middle voice, and the 
resemblance is the greater, in that the Atmanepada, like the 
middle voice in Greek, uses the terminations of the passive. 

Although each of the seven hundred and two words which 
make up the complete typical Sanskrit verb contains the 
common root-syllable, yet this syllable does not appear in the 
same form in each word, but is subject to certain euphonic and 
other influences which affect both the vowels and consonants 
composing it, and often materially alter its shape. Thus the 
verbal root KAE, "do/ 7 appears in classical Sanskrit in the 
following forms : 

1. V Kri, in 1 du. pf. Par. chakrim, 1 pi. id. chakrima, 2 s. 
pf. Atm. chakrishe, 1 du., 1 and 2 pi. id. chakrivahe, chakrimahe, 
chakridhve; in the whole of the 1 aor. Atm., as akrishi, akrithdh, 
akrita, etc. ; in the pass. part, kritah, and gerund kritvd, and in 
the benedictive Atm., as krishlshta, etc. 

2. flff kri, in bened. Par., as kriydsam, kriydh, kriydt, etc., 
and in the passive present, as kriye, kriyase, kriyate, etc. 

3. ^T^ kar, in pres. Par., as karomi, karoshi, karoti, and before 
all weak terminations. 

4. V^ kur, in pres. Atm., as kurve, kurushe, kurute, and 
before strong terminations. 

5. qrr^ kdr, in pf. Par., as chakdra, and 1 aor. Par., as 
akdrshaniy also in the causal, as kdrayati. 


6. 1H kr j in 2 and 3 pi. pf. Par., chakra, ehakruh, and 1 and 
3 s. pf . Atm. chakre. 

In the same way the root CRU" hear," appears in some parts 
of the verb as gri, in others as gru, frit, grin, and grdv. In the 
whole range of verbal roots there is perhaps not one which 
does not undergo more or less modification in the course of 
being conjugated. 

Not only does the root-syllable present itself in various 

forms in the several tenses, but the terminations of the nine 

persons differ in each tense, and sometimes one tense will have 

two sets of terminations. Moreover, the endings of any given 

tense in one phase, differ from the corresponding ones of the 

same tense in another phase. Thus the terminations of the 

present tense are in the active phase 

Singular 1. ami. 2. si. 

Dual 1. avah. 2. thah. 

Plural 1. amah. 2. tha. 

But in the middle phase the same tense ends in 

Singular 1. i. 2. se. 

Dual 1. avahe. 2. ithe. 

Plural 1. amahe. 2. dhve. 

This slight outline will suffice to show how vast and intricate 
are the ramifications of the Sanskrit verb. The reader who 
has followed the steps by which the noun has been simplified, 
as shown in the second volume of this work, will not be sur- 
prised to find in the present volume how widely the modern 
verb differs from that of Sanskrit. It was impossible to reduce 
the verb to anything like the simplicity required by modern 
speakers without sacrificing by far the greater portion of the 
immense and unwieldy apparatus of ancient times. 

§ 2. Owing to the want of a continuous succession of literary 
documents, such as exists in the case of the modern Romance 














languages of Europe, it is scarcely possible to trace step by step 
the changes which have occurred in the verb. It is necessary, 
however, to make the attempt, and to piece together such evi- 
dence as we have, because the modern verb is an undoubted 
descendant of the ancient one, though only a slight trait here 
and there recalls the features of its parent, and its structure in 
many points can only be rendered intelligible by tracing it 
back to the ancient stock whence it sprung. 

The first steps in the direction of simplification occur in 
Sanskrit itself. Many of the elaborate forms cited by gram- 
marians are of very rare occurrence in actual literature, and 
some of them seem almost to have been invented for the sake 
of uniformity. Three instances of this tendency in classical 
Sanskrit may here be noticed. 

The perfect tense in Sanskrit, as in Greek, is usually formed 
by reduplication, so we have from VlFl, "burn," pf. WrTPI> 
V ^J[ " see," pf. ^lf> just as XcIttco makes \£konra and rphroo, 
rirpoifki. But there are certain roots which cannot take re- 
duplication, and these form their perfect by an analytical 
process. The root is formed into a sort of abstract substantive 
in the accusative case, and the perfect of an auxiliary verb is 
added to it. The verbs ^ "be," ^ "be," and W "do," are 
the auxiliaries principally employed for this purpose. Thus — 

V ^ " wet," makes pf. ^t *PIHt ^t IWT or ^f ^Rf- 

V ^im " shine," „ „ TOTOt *WK'» etc. 

V *ftTCJ "explain," „ „ ^ttiRTt *PITT> etc -' 

Another instance of the analytical formation is seen in the 
future tense made out of the agent of the verb with the present 
tense of the auxiliary ^Rj " be." Thus from V ^^ " know," 
comes the agent ^tfWTT, which with the present of ^^ makes 

s. i. ^tftnrrPR p. i. ^Ifwnw 

1 Max MUUer's Sanskrit Grammar, p. 172. 


A third instance is a form of phrase in which the passive 
past participle is combined with this same auxiliary ^f^ to 
form a perfect definite, as ^R*nft{f^R "I have come/' or, as 
more faithfully represented by other European languages, " je 
suk venu," and as we sometimes say ourselves, " I am come." 
Here an analytical construction supplies the place of the per- 
fect* Closely allied to this is the frequent habit in writers of 
the classical style of expressing the same tense by the neuter of 
the p.p.p. with the subject in the instrumental, as ifa ipf "by 
him gone," i.e. " he went/' instead of ^nTHY* 

These are the first faint indications of a method which, in 
the course of ages, has developed to such an extent as to consti- 
tute the leading principle in the organization of the modern 
verb. By this system a greater facility for expressing nice 
shades of meaning is obtained. ^TOTO may mean " he went," 
or, " he has gone," but by the other system each of these two 
meanings has a phrase peculiar to itself, *nft$f% meaning "he 
has gone," and j(n ?nf "he went." Precisely in the same 
way the Latin had only ego amavi for "I loved" and "I 
have loved," but the Romance languages found this insuffi- 
cient, and they have — 

" I loved." " I have loved," 

French j'aimai j'ai aime\ 

Italian io amai io ho amato. 

Spanish yo ame yo he amado. 

§ 3. The next step in the reduction of the numerous Sanskrit 
tenses to a more manageable compass is seen in Pali, originally 
an Indian Prakrit, but which became the sacred language of 
the Buddhists of Ceylon, having been carried thither in the 
middle of the third century 1 before Christ, by Mahendra, 
son of King Acoka, and spread thence to Burmah and Siam. 

* Kuhn, Beitrage znr Pali Grammatik, p. 1. But Tumour, Mahawanso xxix., 
gives b.c. 307. So also Childers, preface, p. iz. 


Although the Pali grammarians, in their anxiety to exalt their 
sacred speech, tell us that the verb has ten conjugations, yet 
examples of all these are but rarely found. 1 Four of the ten 
Sanskrit conjugations, the first, fourth, sixth, and tenth, re- 
semble each other very closely even in that language, and are 
easily brought down to one in Pali. The seventh of Sanskrit 
also loses somewhat of its peculiar type, which consists in in- 
serting ^ between the vowel of the root and the final conso- 
nant, or if before weak terminations. Thus in Skr. V'WQrudh, 
" to obstruct," makes its present ^qtlr runaddhi, but in Pali, 
while the H is retained, the present is rundhati, after the type 
of the first class. 

Five out of the ten Sanskrit conjugations are thus reduced 
almost, if not entirely, to one. Of the remaining five, the 
second of Sanskrit in roots which end in a vowel exhibits some 
traces of Sanskrit forms, while in those which end in a con- 
sonant the types of the first, or Shit, class prevail. Thus 
Skr. VHT " to go," pr. ITTfif , Pali also ydti, but 

Skr. y/ m " to rub,' 1 pr. eTTfit- Pali majjati, as if from a Skr. J{i^\ . 
V 3! " to milk," „ cfrfTCT „ dohatu 
Vfinf "tolick,"„%ft. „ lehaH. 

The third conjugation occasionally takes the reduplication as 
in Sanskrit, but in many instances prefers the Bhu type. Thus 

Skr. V ift « to fear," fiftf*. Pali UTOfif . 

Wl "to hold," ^TTft- » ^rrfff and c^gft. 

The verb d&, " to give," which belongs to this conjugation, 
has special developments of its own, and is discussed in § 16. 

The fifth, eighth, and ninth classes are very similar even in 
Sanskrit, for while the fifth adds ij to its root, the eighth 
adds y§; but as all its roots except one already end in ^, it 

1 Seven classes are given by Kacc&yana. See Senart, Journal Asiatiqne, ri. eerie, 
toI. xvii p. 439. 


comes practically to pretty much the same thing as the fifth. 
The ninth adds H, i|T, and *ft to the root before various termina- 
tions. Here Pali draws very slight distinctions, making verbs 
of the fifth class take ^J and W[ indifferently, and both fifth and 
ninth appear occasionally in the guise of the first. Thus — 

Skr . V ^ « hear," v. ^nftf?f . Pali ^lf|f?f and *JH[TfW • 

^W " do," viii. I^fif. » ITtfif- 

V If^ « think," viiL JTfR(. „ H^ft . 

The reason why the forms of the Bhu conjugation exercise 
so great an influence, and, like the -o*-stem in nouns, so largely 
displace all the other types, is probably that the first conjuga- 
tion is by far the largest, containing upwards of nine hundred 
out of the two thousand roots said to exist in Sanskrit. The 
second conjugation has only seventy-three, the third but 
twenty-five, the fourth and sixth about one hundred and forty 
each. The tenth, it is true, contains four hundred, but it is 
identical in form with the causal. The fifth has only thirty- 
three, the ninth sixty-one, while under the seventh class are 
twenty-five, and under the eighth only nine. These figures, it 
must be added, are taken from the Dh&tup&tha, a grammarian's 
list of roots, 1 which contains many roots seldom, if ever, found 
in use, so that for all practical purposes the first conjugation 
covers more than half the verbs in the language. When it is 
also remembered that the fourth, sixth, and tenth differ but 
slightly from the first, it is not surprising that the terminations 
common to these four conjugations should have fixed them- 
selves in the popular mind, and been added by the vulgar 
to all roots indiscriminately. Nearly all those verbs which 
retain the type of any conjugation, except the first, are words 
of extremely common use, which would naturally keep their 

1 Weatergaard, Radices Sanskr. p. 342. 


well-known forms in the mouths of the people in spite of all 
rules and tendencies to the contrary. 


§ 4. The dual number has entirely disappeared from Pali, 
and the Atmanepada, or middle phase, has practically merged 
into the active, for although Kacc&yana (J. As., vol. xvii. 
p. 429, sutra 18) gives terminations for it, yet it is admitted 
that those of the active may be used instead, and practically it 
would appear that they are so used. The other phases, as 
causal, passive, desiderative, and intensive, have their own 
forms as in Sanskrit. 

Among the tenses the chief is the present, and it is in Pali 
that we first find a tendency to retain throughout the whole 
verb that form of the root which is in use in the present. This 
tendency grows stronger in the later Prakrits, and becomes an 
almost invariable rule in the modern languages. Thus— 

Skr. V T^t " cook/' present Tpjffl. Pa. IWfil. 

future TOTf?!- » Mfa^atn- 

aorist ^IHT^ft^- .> ^n?fa- 

gerund tfiJTT. „ Mfrttl' 

Phonetic influences in Sanskrit change this root as regards 
its final consonant in the different tenses, but Pali, having got 
hold of the form pack in the present tense, retains it throughout 
the verb. It is still, however, only a tendency, and not a law, 
for we find instances in which Pali forms are derived directly 
from the corresponding tense in Sanskrit. One who should 
attempt to learn Pali without reference to Sanskrit would find 
it difficult to understand how the words karoti, kubbati, kayird, 
kdh&mi, ak&si, kattum, could all spring from the same verbal 
root. It is only when the corresponding Sanskrit forms karoti, 
kurvate, kury&t, 1 kartdsmi, akdrshlt, kartum, are put by their 

1 Or more strictly from an older karydt not in use in classical Sanskrit. Kuhn, 
Beitrage, 106. 


side, that the thread which connects them all becomes evident. 
Just so in the Romance languages, Italian so, sa, sapete, sanno, 
seppi, seem to have very little beyond the initial 8 in common, 
till it is perceived that they come from the Latin sapio, sapit, 
sapitis, sapiunt, sapui; thus, also, ho and ebbi can only be seen 
to be parts of the same verb when their origin from Latin habeo 
and habui is recognized. In Spanish there is the same diffi- 
culty, as will be seen by comparing hacer, hago, hice, hare, and 
hecho, with their Latin originals facere, facto, feci, facere habeo, 
and factum. In Portuguese, which seems to be the lowest and 
most corrupt Apabhranfa of the Romance Prakrits, the changes 
are such as almost to defy analysis. For instance, ter, tenho, 
tinha, live, terei, correspond to Latin tenere, teneo, tenebam, 
tenui, tenere habeo : also hei, houve, haja, to habeo, habui, habeam, 
and sou, he,foi, seja, to sum, est,fui, sit. 1 

The tenses of the Pali verb are eight in number. 2 These 
correspond to the tenses of the Sanskrit verb, omitting the 
periphrastic or second future (lut), the benedictive (6$ir lin), 
and the subjunctive (let). The present active is almost exactly 
the same as the Sanskrit as regards its terminations in the Bhu 
form, and the middle only differs, and even then very slightly, 
in the 1 and 2 plural. Thus — 

Skr. 1 pi. TTOTO^. 2. tp?i^. 
Pa. 1. Trer*%. 2. TO^. 

In this tense, as in many others, Pali is not very instructive, 
it clings too closely to the Sanskrit. It is, however, necessary 
to give a sketch of its forms, because they exhibit the first 
traces of that gradual change which has led to the modern con- 
jugation. Even when the Pali conjugates a verb according to 

1 Diez, Gramm. d. Romanischen Sprachen, toI. ii. p. 188. 
* The materials for this section are taken chiefly from Kuhn, Beitrage, p. 93 seqq. , 
with some additions from Childers's Dictionary, and a few remarks of my own. 


any class other than the Bhu, it still keeps the personal end- 
ings of Sanskrit for that conjugation ; thus from VVJ " go/' 
we have — 

Pa. s. i. *nfa , 2. *nfir, 3. mft; p. 1. *jt*, 2. *rw, 3. *rtft. 

which differs from Sanskrit only in omitting the yisarga 
in P. 1. 

The imperative follows the type of the present, and may be 
thus compared with Sanskrit Parasmaipada, 

Skr. 8. 1. TOft, 2. VR. 3. IJ^J; P. 1. Vmq, 2. T^f, 3. tnflj. 

Pa. s. i. wrfa, 2.xnrff , 3. vhjj; ri.thtr, 2.v*n, 3. irtft. 

and with the Atmanepada, thus — 

Skr. 8. 1. H%, 2. U^?r, 3. VRlft; P. 1. TOlft , 2. U*n*, 3. Hffaf. 
Pa. 8. 1. Tft, 2. 1HTCJ, 3. VRt; P. 1. VftVR§, ^T^ft, 3.ltf*f. 

Here the S. 1 Parasmai seems to have arisen from some con- 
fusion with the present, as also P. 2. Noteworthy is S. 2, with 
its ending ff , which, though only found in classical Sanskrit 
in the second, third, seventh, and ninth conjugations, has crept 
into all in Pali, and has continued on into the mediaeval period, 
thus Chand 

firo $ ^ ^wft '•Iff » 

" Say thou a good word of them." — Pr. R. i. 9. 

where *fff =Skr. W*T (tf).^ In Vedic Skr. ffc appears in 
all the conjugations. Of the Atmane forms P. 1 seems to be 
derived from an older form, masau P. 2 should perhaps 
be read hvo 9 not vho, in which case it is a regular resultant 
from Sanskrit dhv. 

The potential is the Sanskrit optative (lin), thus — 

Skr. S. 1. H^f, 2. TJ^, 3. T|^5 P. 1. vfa, 2. l^f, 3. xftg^. 

Pa. 8. 1. ift^Tft, 2. •«rrf%, 3. •■*•, p.i. «arm, 2. «**nr, 3. •*. 



Sk. S.1.1|%*r,2.1l%m^3.q%tf; P.l.q%*fff y 2. 1^*4,3.1*%^. 
Pa. 8. 1. T&&, 2. H%^t, 3. xfa; P. 1. q%*T*$, 2. •«Qft, 3. *%<. 

In this tense the point specially to be noticed is the tendency 
to simplify not only the root-syllable, but the range of termi- 
nations also. Having got the syllables eyya as the type of the 
tense, Pali seeks to avoid all further distinctions, and to use as 
much as possible the personal endings of the present tense. It 
sometimes conjugates the potential according to the types of 
other classes, and in this respect follows the lead of the present 
less faithfully in this tense than in the imperative. Thus, 
though in the present and imperative of kar, it follows the 
Sanskrit, and has karoti, karotu, yet in the potential it treats 
kar as if it belonged to the Bhu class, and has kareyydmi as 
though from a Sanskrit kareyam instead of the actual kury&m. 
There are other peculiarities about this tense which are not 
here noticed, as having no bearing upon the subject of the 
modern languages. 

The imperfect has been, to some extent, mixed up with the 
aorist (lun), and both, together with the perfect, lead us into 
considerations which are of interest only for Pali itself, not 
having survived or had any influence on modern developments. 
They may therefore be passed over as immaterial to our present 

The future, on the contrary, offers many interesting peculi- 
arities, especially, as will be seen hereafter, in reference to 
Ghijarati and some of the rustic dialects of Hindi. The future 
is a different tense in the modern languages, and every scrap 
of information which can help to elucidate it deserves special 
notice. It runs thus in Pali (V T^ " go ")— 

Skr. S. 1. irfTOTf*!, 2. °t*ftr, 3. •^ftf; P. 1. •^TR^, 2. ^*, 3. ^fif. 
Pa.S.l.irfS TOr rf^,2.o^rf^,3.o^rf7i; P.l. o^r W> 2.^W,3.^ffi|. 


Here the only noteworthy feature is the change of ^ 
into ^f. The Atmanepada follows the same rule throughout. 
Although the tendency to keep that form of the root which 
exists in the present leads to divergences from the Sanskrit 
future type, yet instances occur in which the Sanskrit type is 
preserved. These occur in reference to that very troublesome 
feature in the Sanskrit verb, the intermediate \, which is some- 
times inserted between the root and the termination, and some- 
times not. When it is not inserted, the euphonic laws of 
Sanskrit require that the final consonant of the root be 
changed to enable it to combine with the initial consonant 
of the termination. Thus V TT " cook," when it has to take 

the future termination ^rf?T, becomes TO and TO + **ftT = *TOrf?f. 
Here Pali sticks to the form VC%, because it is used in the present 
and makes its future yfawfa as though there had been (as 
there probably was in colloquial usage) a Sanskrit future 
UfaUffd with the intermediate \; inserted. 

In a certain number of verbs, however, it has two forms, 
one as above retaining the root-form of the present, and the 
other a phonetic equivalent of the Sanskrit. Kuhn 1 gives 
the following examples, to which I add the Sanskrit for com- 

8kr. VlRf "get," future W^Tt- Pali ^TOgft but also irf*TOTft • 
t/^ "speak," „ TORt » TO^fa- 

\/^ "dwell," „ TOTf?T » ^^fil but also qftKHft- 
V fi^ " cleave," „ $9gft. „ T^ffa „ fitf^ffif. 

l/ipt "loose," ,, «T^fn. „ *ff*Rff7T « ijftwfir* 

V^ "hear," „ IpMfl. » *H<*lffl M ffTOft. 

1 Beitrage, p. 115. 


The consonantal changes are in accordance with the treat- 
ment of the nexus as explained in Yol. I. p. 304. The striving 
after uniformity is seen, however, in the retention of the alter- 
native forms having the same type as the present, and it is, 
moreover, worth observing that the forms which reproduce the 
type of the Sanskrit without the intermediate ^ seem by 
degrees to have been misunderstood. The illiterate masses, 
and even those better instructed, seem to have missed the issati 
which so generally indicated to their minds the future tense, 
and regarded those forms which had not this familiar sound 
as present tenses. So they made double futures by adding the 
issa to them. Thus from "JJ£ " to see," future $p5rfcT, Pali 
made a form dakkhati, but the people by degrees took this for 
a present, and made what to them seemed a more correct future 
dakkhmati. 1 mention this here as I shall have occasion here- 
after to discuss the much-debated question of the origin of 
the familiar modern stem dekh "see" (see § 17). Another 
instance is 

Skr. V ira "be able," future lCmfrJ. Pa. Ufajftl, whence vulgo 


In one case Pali has a future which points back to a Yedic 

Skr. V *%$ " weep." Vedic future xYRjrfrT- Pa. O^fcfa* 

Classic ditto flf^mfc i. „ flr<<Mfr l. 

Occasionally the ^g is softened to f, as in ^fflgfrTi qfrfffrl from 
*(\¥dfa, Skr. qtf^'QrfrT. This is noteworthy with reference to 
Bhojpuri and the eastern Hindi dialects generally. 

§ 5. It used to be held that Pali was a descendant of the 
Magadhi dialect of Prakrit, but this opinion is now, I believe, 
exploded. Though the question is not yet set at rest, it would 
seem to have been fairly established that Mahendra was a 


native of Uj jayin, and that the language which he carried to 
Ceylon was the ordinary vernacular of his own province. 1 
This dialect was not very different from that of Magadha, and 
Mahendra may have slightly altered the M&gadhi sayings of 
the great master, by his TJj jayini pronunciation, while retaining 
the name M&gadhi out of deference to the sacred associations 
which clustered round the birthplace of Buddha. 

Be this as it may, the nearest Indian dialect to Pali seems 
undoubtedly to be the Prakrit of the Bh&gavatl, a sacred book 
of the semi-Buddhist sect of Jainas. If Hemachandra, him- 
self a Jain and author of several works on Prakrit, were 
available for reference, our task would be easier ; as yet, how- 
ever, none of Hemachandra's writings have been printed or 
edited. Weber's articles on the Bh&gavatl are at present our 
only source of information. 2 

In the Jaina Prakrit the ten conjugations of the Sanskrit 
verb are, with few exceptions, reduced to the Bhd type. In 
this respect it goes further than Pali, treating as verbs of the 
first conjugation many which in Pali retain the type of other 
conjugations. The fifth, seventh, and ninth conjugations, 
which in Sanskrit insert H with certain variations, are all 
reduced to one head by regarding the H as part of the root, 
as is also the case with the ^J of the fourth class. The a 
inserted between the root and termination of the Bh& class 
is used throughout, though occasionally weakened to i, or 
changed to e from some confusion between this and the e = ay a, 
which ia the type of the tenth class. The f allowing examples 
will illustrate the above remarks. 

1 Kuhn, Beitrage, p. 7. 

* Fischer s admirable edition of Hemachandra's Grammar (Orphanage Press, Halle, 
1877) has reached me just as this work is going to press, and too late to be of use 
for this edition, except for a few hasty notes here and there. Mueller's Beitrage zur 
Grammatik des Jainaprakrit came into my hands about the same time. I find it 
enables me to add a few illustrations to this section, which, however, was written in 
the latter part of 1876. 

vol. ni. 2 



Skr. V \ " take," i. f^frf 
V fl% " know/' ii. ^ftj 

VvT^'put/Mii. ^ynfn 

with ^|fil, HfM^Mlffl 

Juina ftfit* f^X 


V ftrV " succeed," iv. ftflUlfq 
but ^n^re "propitiate," *||<JU|ft 

V ^in^ " g*t," v. ^nftft- 

with IT, HT^ UTKtfil 




V f*T " gather," v. f^fiffl 


^ « " hear," v. Wlftft! 

with TrfH, ufironftfir 

\/ ^J " touch," vi. ^pifa 
V *t* " break," vii. *nrffc 
^ W " do," viii. *ftfil 
VUf «take,"ix.^STfH 

Vjfl" know," ix. wnrrfff 








ftf^ " puts on (clothes) 

MI^UI^i ^ ne *T being" 
treated as part of the 

^rfil, ^HJ bo* alsofa- 
irn[i wMh the same 
confusion between the 
lit of v. and ITT of viii. 
as occurs in Pali. 

trfcmhC " promises." 

i)lTjgT^» nere again the If 
has passed into the root. 

The tenth class being identical with the first is omitted. It 
will be seen that the present tense is formed throughout on the 
model of the first conjugation, the Jain words given above 
being phonetic modifications of words which would be in 
Sanskrit respectively harati, vedati, dh&ti, drddhati, pr&panati, 


chayati, sunati, bhanjati, karati, grihnalt, and jdnati, if all those 
verbs belonged to the first or Bhfi conjugation. 

It is not so easy to draw out a full verbal paradigma in this 
dialect as in Pali, because we have as yet no grammars, and are 
obliged to fall back on the words that occur in a single text. 
The range of tenses appears to consist of a present (corre- 
sponding to the Sanskrit lat), imperative (lot), potential (tin), 
imperfect and aorist jumbled together as in Pali, and future 
(lrit). The perfect (lit) seems to be altogether wanting, as it 
is in the modern languages. 

The present runs thus :— V *!*{ " bow." 

s. l.wrft. 2-iRTfir, 3.imfif; p.i.inn*?1r, 2.irot,3.itffi!. 

TOT; ifJtfa. 

Those terminations which contain the vowel e have crept 
into the conjugation of all verbs from the tenth, to which that 
vowel, as shortened from aya, must be held strictly to be- 
long, or to causals. Thus in Bhftg. i. 60, we have phdseti, 
p&leti, sobheti, tfreti, piareti, kitteti, anupdlei, dr&hei, for San- 
skrit OTfcfr, TOTErfir, *ft*ref?i, *!K*Jfii> y<^fii, «H*ifa, 

^^Mm^lffl, ^Kivmpl, respectively. In the last word the 
causal form becomes the same as the active given above. Of 
the imperative we have only the S. 2 and P. 2, which are in 
fact the only persons which an imperative can properly have. 
The S. 2 takes the ending ff as in Pali with junction vowels a 
and e, the P. 2 ends in \, which, as Weber points out, is from 
the P. 2 of the present, in Sanskrit ^\ Thus— 

Skr. Vm^ if shine," causal ^t^fl* impv. T^fTO* Jaioa ^ttjflf- 

^T " believe," „ ^Rlff, „ ^fTff (pres. 


t/*ft*"bind," impv.P.2.*ljfat, „ ^|f. 


The potential, of which only the S. 3 is traceable, resembles 
Pali in using the termination eyya with variant ejja. 

Skr. V^i "g°i" S. 3. I|^<^ Jaina TO$^9, J|tjgV|. 
VVQ "take," „ Jjq£j €||fl^ „ Sfttj^Bf. 

But there exist some old simple forms derived by phonetic 
changes from the corresponding Sanskrit tense, as kujja = 
kuryat, dajja = dadyat (Mueller, p. 60). 
The future resembles that of Pali, thus — 

s. l. *rf*nsrrf*T, 2. Mcwflr, 3. °^an;; p. 1. °i^rnft, 2. °^rf , 

3. j^f fa- 
it also appears with a termination ihi produced by weakening 

^T into f and the following a to t, thus — 

Skr. irftreft, Jain Jlf^fisfa and Jlftf^ft. 

Moreover, there is a trace of the double future like Pali 

Skr. VV^ "&>>" with ^, ^TPTf "attain," future mjMdjfl * 

Jaina ^prf55lfif?f • 

Here ^TOIJR^ would phonetically become Uqq^gf;, and by 
still further softening <4qq4¥|^, whence, as if from a present, is 
formed the future Uqqf4(|<ftlf, and >iqqfty(3ffl. 

§ 6. The reduction in the number of tenses necessitates a 
greatly extended use of participles. This is one great step in 
the transition from the synthetical to the analytical system. 
The Sanskrit present active participle takes in that language 
the characteristics of the ten conjugations, and is declined as 
a noun in three genders. It ends properly in ant, but the 
nasal is dropped before certain terminations, as 

M. P. N. 

1HPC M^HlY Vftl{. 

^W ^t^nft <w^. 


The nasal, however, is retained throughout in Jaina Prakrit, 
thus — 

si»- 4q4jii 9nreft ^w^. 

This peculiarity is worth remembering; much depends on 
this retention of the nasal, as will be seen when we come to 
the modern Sindhi and Panjabi verbs. 

Very great interest attaches to the participle of the future 
passive, which in Sanskrit ends in 1T3|. In verbs which do not 
take intermediate \, this ending is added directly to the root 
with the usual Sandhi changes ; but as Prakrit prefers to insert 
the ^ in order to preserve the root-form of the present, it 
comes to pass that the 7f of the termination stands alone be- 
tween two vowels, and in consonance with Prakrit phonetics 
is elided. The hiatus thus produced is in the Jaina writings 
filled by n. If to this we add the regular mutation of *Q into 
% we get from inq the form ^f. In its original meaning this 
participle corresponds to the Latin in ndus, as faciendus, and 
expresses that which is to be done, as WQl *Wt " by thee it is 
to be gone," i.e. "thou must go." In this sense it occurs 
frequently in Bh&gavatl, as for instance in § 56 : 

Jaina J[$ ^qiwfUKII ^Iflh Wf^Rh f*nflffl*lfcl!> ^f**rtf > «tc. 
Skr. ipf^l^rutll *im*4, WR&> f*NTfrt. Hfalrth etc. 

" Thus, beloved of the gods, must ye go, must ye stand, 
must ye sit, must ye eat," where the last two words postulate 
a Sanskrit form with the ^ inserted, such as f*f*T\f?!?l<*|, 

It is obvious that it would require no great straining of the 
sense of this participle to make it into an infinitive, and seeing 
that as early as this Jaina dialect the use of the regular Sanskrit 
infinitive in ?J has become rare, it follows that recourse should be 
had to some participial form to supply its place. In this way 
we find the past passive participle in fit, with the H elided and 


its place supplied by if, employed in a construction where we 
should expect the infinitive. Thus Bh&g. § 54, fulfil M3l(q4> 
{f^lfail, %fTf*P*» ftrWrPRt (Weber, Bh&g. p. 274): "I wish to 
wander, to take the tonsure, to practise austerities, to learn," 
as though from Sanskrit forms M4lfr4, *J*t5lfM?t, %KTPnt, 
fiUlfMd, the three last being causals formed with dp, as is 
frequently the case with causals in Prakrit, though of course 
these forms are not found in Sanskrit. In that language the 
formation of causals by means of x^is restricted to a few stems. 
More will be said on this subject in a subsequent chapter, 
but it is necessary here to note an early instance of this process 
which takes a much wider development in later times, the 
infinitive in Gujarati and Oriya and several participial con- 
structions and verbal nouns being derived from it. 

§ 7. The scenic Prakrits represent a further step in develop- 
ment. Despite the admittedly artificial character of these 
dialects, they probably retain forms which were at one time 
in general use, although that time may not have been the epoch 
when the dramas were written, and without referring to them, 
the structure of the modern verb could not be clearly under- 
stood. It is expedient to avoid discussing this question, lest 
attention should be drawn away from the real subject of this 
work, namely, the modern languages. All this part of the 
present chapter is merely introductory and is only inserted in 
order to pave the way for a more intelligent appreciation of the 
origin and growth of Hindi and its f eUows. 

In the Mah&r&shtri or principal poetical dialect all conjuga- 
tions are reduced to the type of the first or Bhft class, and the 
same holds good for the Qauraseni or chief prose dialect. Only 
here and there do we find faint traces of the peculiarities of 
other conjugations. Of the six phases only three remain, 
active, passive, and causal. The passive differs from the 
active only in the form of the root, the characteristic *J of the 


Sanskrit passive having been worked into the stem, and the 
terminations .of the active being added to it. The Atmanepada 
and the dual are of course rejected. 

Of tenses these dialects have a still more restricted range 
than the Jaina Prakrits. They have the present, imperative 
and future, with traces of the potential. The past tense is 
chiefly formed by the p.p.p. with auxiliary verbs. Thus from 
V ^ " shine," 

Present 8. 1. O^lfa* 2. <?Nfa> 3. 0^f<- 

P. 1. Xt^Wt, **[, °* , 2. frtV, °f , 3. O^ftl - 

Here are observable those first indications of a confusion of 
forms, and uncertainty in their use, which are always character- 
istic of that period in languages when the synthetical structure 
is breaking down into the analytical. In these dialects, as in 
Jaina Prakrit, the practice exists of inserting TJ as a junction 
vowel ; thus we have such forms as qi%f7T " I do," Skr. 4^|f3?, 
instead of 4R4jf4f, which would be the regular result of treating 
^ as a Bhft verb, 9p%7|[ for ira(TO> " let us go." The presence 
of the f in S. 1 and P. 1 is accounted for by its being confused 
with that construction in which the present of ^R{ is used with 
a past participle ; thus we find ^t*^ " I was made " = Sanskrit 
SRftSfaT, and i)fe^f7t " I have been sent " = Skr. DfMilttf^R. 

The imperative has the following forms — 

s. 2. ft^r 3. fr^f . p. 2. fl*p* 3. ^3. 

ftaTft ft*T3. fm*. 

The S. 2 has also forms ^<q<&l> Tt^3§> pointing to a Sanskrit 
Atmane form ^t^?T and P. 2 similarly 0"^^ = Skr. 0^^> 
though neither are used in a middle sense, but are equivalents 
as regards meaning of the Sanskrit active. 


The following are a few examples : 

TfaRfW "look thou !" Skr. ^f^T. 

UPTO " bow thou !" „ 1^9- 

*ffV " bear ye." „ qj!|. 

WW "go ye." „ VRT- 

^nKl « go away." „ vfof. 

^fapra " get oat of the way!" „ ^PTOTTT- 
*HW"do." „ ^CT. 

9Rifct " wake up." „ WHZW* 1 

The future most usually exhibits the form of the Sanskrit 
present in ^=^y. 

S. 1. Oft<ftufr> 2. Ofr<Hft> 3. °^nc- 

etc. *T^TV* 

This form is used indifferently with roots of all classes as in 
Pali, but here also there still subsist some traces of a future 
formed without the intermediate j[. Vararuohi (vii. 16, 17) 
gives the following : — 

Skr. y/ ^ " hear," fut. 'BfrcTTft- Pr- *fa£- 

y/*^\ "speak," „ TOTrf«T- » Tffafc. 

V^^"«o f " „ [^h^rrf^r]- „ *P3Bfc. 

Vl£"weep," „ Ved. ffiWTf*- >, ffat 

Vf*f["know," „ %KftTf*1- » ^fc- 

These forms are, however, justly regarded as exceptions ; for 
the rule in scenic, as in other, Prakrits is to retain throughout 
the root-form of the present. The regular type of the future 
is that in issa-, and the above words have also a future formed 
in the regular way, ^f^n;, *fTOT, TfWJ* etc. This ^T 

1 Some of these are M&gadhi Prakrit, but for my present purpose it is not neces- 
sary to draw a distinction between M&gadhi and Qsaraseni. 


is softened to f , and the following vowel is weakened to \, 
producing as characteristic the syllables ihi. Thus — 

^Pt "laugh," S. 1. fftffftr- 2. ffaf^ftT, 3. fftrffT, etc 
By a forgetfulness of the origin of such forms as ^ffcfet the 
ordinary future terminations may be added to them too, just 
like dakkhissati in Pali (§ 4), so that we find ^ftfat^ffl, and 

The various tenses which in Sanskrit indicate past time have 
already in Pali and the earlier Prakrits been fused down into 
one. In scenic Prakrit a further step is taken, and the 
syllables ia, erroneously written la in some MSS., are added to 
the root for all persons of the past tense (Yar. vii. 23, 24. 
Lassen, Inst. Pr., 353). This is probably the neuter of the 
p.p.p. in Sanskrit, and its use is due to the frequency of the 
construction with the instrumental Instead of saying " I saw, 
I went, I heard," the people said, " by me seen, gone, heard." 
This point is one of great importance in modern Hindi and 

§ 8. While the Maharashtri and Qauraseni dialects are con- 
sidered the principal ones in the dramas, there are yet others of 
great importance, such as the M&gadhi, with its sub-dialects. 
Among these, however, it is necessary only to notice that called 
Apabhra^a. I do not wish here to touch upon the question 
whether the dialect called by this name in the dramas really 
represents the speech of any particular Indian province or not. 
I assume, for the sake of convenience, that Apabhran9a is 
really a vulgar speech further removed from the classical idiom 
than Maharashtri or Qauraseni. There may have been half a 
dozen Apabhra^as, probably there were. In this section I am 
merely seeking to put together examples of verbal forms in a 
dialect one step nearer to modern times than the principal 
scenic Prakrits, and having done so, shall go on to my own 
special subject. 


All that we can expect in the way of tenses after what Has 
been said in the preceding sections, is a present, an imperative, 
and a future. The rest of the verbal work is done by participles. 

VW$ "ask," Present S. 1. iTCgTfo 2. °^lfa, 3. «^. 

•Ufa °Tfa« 
p. i. y^TT, 2. g^f , 3. o^fir. 

V IT "do," Imperative 8. 2. *^ff , P. 1. WK#> p - 2 - ITO- 

In the future, although the form with the characteristic issa 
is found as 4JJj(\4ftjf<( = WtX^frl i Skr. V W> yet more commonly 
we find the form in which ^T has been softened to ^; thus 

8. 1. qRfgHl> 2. qhf\fgftf> 3. ^rfxft^, etc. 
The grammarians also give a 

P. 1. in jf as qTOT^= *f\WH*l- 

The participles resemble in most respects those in other 
Prakrit dialects, but that in IT^t becomes x$, as 4Kf^| and 
^Rf^N^rfTTO (^d|). The gerund ends in fig, frcr<ir> and 
a softened form fw; the ordinary Qauraseni form j^( f which 
will be found in several modern languages, is here also used. 
To the gerund rather than to the infinitive, as the grammarians 
would have it, seems to belong the form in TJ^jf , as ^f^fjf , the 
exact genesis of which is doubtful, though, as to the final jfr, 
there is an analogy in the true infinitive QIQIQjf, which very 
closely approaches to Chand's forms, as W^HJf, WTO$» 

In addition to the above forms which are found in scenic 
Apabhranfa, others and those more genuine fragments of 
popular speech are to be picked out from scraps that have 


been preserved by bards. It is much to be wished that we had 
more of Hemachandra's works accessible, as in them we should 
doubtless find a rich mine of such words. Thus for all past 
tenses there is the participial form in f?& for all three persons, as 

It has a plural in ^R or jr, as: 

^TTT= mini: 

Sometimes also the u of the singular is rejected and a sub- 
stituted, as *Tfaf*f = Hflpt There are other forms to be found 
in these poems which will be referred to hereafter when the 
modern forms which they illustrate are under discussion. 

As a general result from the preceding brief sketches it may 
be asserted that Sanskrit, Pali, and the Prakrits taken collectively 
as the languages of the earlier stage have a common structure, 
though in different grades. Sanskrit, with its full range of 
synthetical tenses, yet admits here and there analytical con- 
structions. Pali does the same, though its synthetical tenses 
are fewer and simpler. The Prakrits reduce the tenses still 
further, and make greater use of participial constructions. The 
treatment of the root-syllable also shows a gradually increasing 
tendency to simplification, for whereas in Sanskrit it is changed 
in form repeatedly in the various tenses, a practice begins in 
Pali and grows more common as we go down the stream, of 
using in all parts of the verb that form of the root which is 
found in the Sanskrit present. 

From the review of these languages given above the passive 
and causal have been purposely omitted, because the parts which 
they play in the development of the modern verb are peculiar, 


and will be better understood when seen side by side with the 
modern forms. The desiderative and intensive have left few 
or no traces of their existence, and may be passed over un- 

§ 9. We may now approach the languages of the present 
day, and the discussion becomes more minute and particular. 
Though the verb of the new world has ways of its own, yet it 
stretches out hands across the gulf of centuries to the old world 
verb, and supports its claim to descent from it by still pre- 
serving traces unmistakeable, though often faint and irregular, 
of the ancient forms and systems. 

As in the noun, so also in the verb, the first thing to be con- 
sidered is the stem. The modern verbal stem undergoes no 
changes, but remains absolutely the same throughout all moods, 
tenses and persons. To this rule there is a small though im- 
portant exception, consisting of some participles of the preterite 
passive which are derived direct from the Prakrit forms, and 
are thus early Tadbhavas. The number of these early Tadbhava 
participles differs in the various languages. They are most 
numerous, as might be expected, in Sindhi, which has a hundred 
and forty of them in a total of about two thousand verbs. In 
Panjabi, Gujarati and Marathi the number is rather less, while 
in Hindi only five, and in Bengali and Oriya only two exist. 
They will be found, together with their derivations, in Chapter 
III. § § 46, 47, 48. 

With this slight exception the verbal stem remains unaltered 
throughout. Thus, having got, by means hereafter to be ex- 
plained, the word sun for " hear," Hindi simply tacks on to it 
the terminations; thus mnnd to hear, suntd hearing, mnd 
heard, mniin I hear, mne he hears, 8uno hear ye ! sunegd he 
will hear, sunkar having heard. 

Primary stems are almost always monosyllabic, but secondary 
or derivative stems have often more syllables than one. The 


latter may be brought under three heads. First, stems derived 
from Sanskrit roots with which a preposition has already been 
compounded, principally ^^, ft, TT, and ^, as utar " descend/' 
nikal " go out/' pasar " spread," mnkoch " distress." Second, 
stems formed by reduplication, as jhanjhan " tinkle," tharthar 
"flutter." Third, stems with an added syllable, as gutak 
" swallow," ghasit " drag," karkach, " bind." 

It was seen above that in the old world verb there were six 
phases, and that two of these, the desiderative and intensive, have 
since been lost. The modern verb having to provide for active, 
neuter, passive, causal and other phases, has been obliged to 
have recourse to processes of its own, by which it arrives at 
the possession of a much wider range than Sanskrit can boast 
of, and does it too by far simpler means. Partly this result is 
obtained by ingenious adaptations of Prakrit forms, partly by 
modifications of, or additions to, its own stems, and partly by 
combining two stems together. It will first, therefore, be 
necessary to examine what phases the modern verb has, and 
then to proceed to examine the processes by which it has 
provided itself with the necessary forms for each phase. 

§ 10. Those phases which are expressed by one word may be 
ranged as regards meaning in a regular scale of grades of ac- 
tion, according to the degree and kind of activity they express. 
In the following scheme we take the neuter as the point of 
quiescence, and trace degrees which start from it towards a 
positive pole indicating activity, and a negative pole indicating 

Nbgatiyb —3 —2 —1 +1 +2 +3 +4 Pobitivb 
Polh. < < < * > > > > Pom. 

• . 

ma £ | 9 a ■** a '-£ 3 £3 

a § a §9 s »a is 5 © s 


The foregoing table looks, I fear, somewhat fanciful, but I 
know not how better to express a matter which is a striking 
and very important feature in the modern Aryan verb. It 
may be explained by considering each phase separately. 

The neuter verb (0) expresses neither action nor passion. It 
conceives of the subject as in a condition of mere existence, as 
being something, not doing, and is therefore the simplest phase 
of verbal description. Pure neuter verbs are ho "be," rah 
" remain." 

The next grade is the active intransitive (+1) which con- 
ceives of the subject as indeed acting, but acting in such a 
way that his action does not pass beyond himself to affect 
an external object, as soch "think," chal "walk," phir "re- 

The active transitive comes next (+2). In this the subject 
is considered as acting in such a way that his action affects 
external objects, as mdr " beat," khd " eat," pi " drink." 

The next grade is the causal (+3), in which the subject acts 
upon an external object in such a way as to cause it to act in 
its turn upon a second object, as H. sund "cause to hear," 
H. phird " cause to turn." 

In some of the languages there is a yet further grade, the 
double causal (+4), in which the subject causes the first object 
to set in motion a second object, so that it affects a third object, 
as S. pherd " cause to cause to turn," S. ghdrd " cause to cause 
to wound." 

Returning now to the neuter or central point, and starting 
off again in the opposite direction towards the negative pole, we 
arrive at the passive intransitive (—1). In this phase the 
subject not only takes no action, but is himself under the in- 
fluence of exterior agencies. It differs as much from the 
neuter on one hand as from the passive on the other, and is a 
sort of middle voice. It is called in Sanskrit grammar Bh&va- 
or Sahya-bheda, and is principally used in Ghijarati, though ex- 


isting in the other languages also, as G. abhada " be polluted " 
(be in a state of pollution), H. ban " be built " (be in process 
of construction). 

The passive (—2) is that phase which regards the subject as 
no longer an agent, but as being acted upon, as S. dhoya " be 

Lastly comes the passive causal (—3), where the subject 
causes an object to be acted upon by a second object, as M. 
mdravi " cause to be struck." 

It must not be supposed that all of these phases are found in 
every language. On the contrary, in none of the languages 
are there separate forms for each phase. It is only on re- 
viewing the whole seven in a body that the full range of 
phases is seen. Generally speaking, the eight phases are re- 
presented by six sets of forms : 

1. Neuter, including 0, +1 and —1. 

2. Active, „ +2. 

3. Passive, 

4. Causal, 

5. Passive Causal, 

6. Double Causal, 


The double causal and passive have separate and distinct 
forms only in Sindhi. The passive, however, is found in some 
rustic dialects of Hindi. Generally the use of the passive con- 
struction is avoided by having recourse to the passive intransi- 
tive (—1) or the neuter (0), the former of which has a distinct 
form in Gujarati, Old Hindi, and Bengali, and in the construc- 
tion of sentences in which it is used resembles the active, 
like vapulo in Latin. 

Of the above phases the neuter and active are the simplest, 
the other forms being derived from them by the addition of 
syllables or internal modifications ; the secret of the formation 


of the modern verb is therefore to be sought for in the neater 
and active. 

§ 11. Some verbal stems are found only in the neuter form, 
others, again, only in the active, while a third and somewhat 
large class has both a neater and an active form. For con- 
venience, the first two classes may be called single stems, and 
the last doable stems. Those doable stems arise from the cir- 
cumstance that two separate but, so to speak, twin verbs, have 
been made by the moderns out of one old Aryan root, each 
modern stem being derived from a different part of the old 
verb, as will be shown further on. 

Among single stems, those which are neuter (including 
active intransitive and passive intransitive) supply the place of 
an active by employing the causal, thus H. WPTT (passive in- 
transitive) "to be made," takes as its corresponding active 
^vn*!T "to make/' which is really a passive causal, meaning 
" to cause to be made." Those single stems which are active 
mostly require no neuter, but should it be necessary to express 
one, the passive intransitive is used, as q^JTT "to tell," 
Qtmill " to be called." 

Moreover, in Sanskrit there is a class of verbs derived from 
nouns, and called denominatives, which express the being in 
the state described by the parent noun, and sometimes (though 
more rarely) the action of the subject. Verbs of this sort are 
common in all languages of the Aryan stock, and notably so in 
modern English, where a verb may be formed almost at will 
from any noun ; thus we say " to eye," " to mouth," " to beard," 
" to house oneself," " to shoe a horse," etc. In Sanskrit these 
verbs take the form of the tenth conjugation, or perhaps it 
would be more correct to regard them as causals. Ex- 
amples are Sanskrit agadyati "he is in good health," from 
agada "healthy"; chapal&yate "he trembles," from chqpala 
"tremulous"; pandit dyate "he is learned," or "he acts the 


pedant," from pandita "a (so-called) learned man"; 1 yoktrayati 
" he yokes," from yoktram " a yoke." Probably from this cause 
it arises that there are in the moderns neuter verbs with a 
causal termination, as M. qwilfqilj "to bang," "crack," 
H. ^RPTT "to be amazed," ^RTRT "to totter." See § 28. 

All these points will be noticed in detail in their proper 
place, they are cursorily mentioned here as an introduction 
to the general subject, and to show that there is an inter- 
change and playing to and fro of forms and meanings which 
is somewhat difficult to unravel, and the more so as in collo- 
quial usage the verbs are often very laxly and capriciously 

§ 12. Single neuter verbs are to a great extent early Tad- 
bhavas as far as their stems are concerned, and consequently 
retain the Prakrit type. Thus they exhibit few or no traces of 
the tenfold classification of the Sanskrit or of the numerous 
phonetic changes that take place in the interior of the verb, 
but follow as a rule the form of the root in the present tense 
of the Bhfi class. Here follows a list of some of the simplest 
and most used stems in the modern languages derived from 
verbs which in Sanskrit are Bhd. In the dictionaries the 
modern verbs are generally shown under the infinitive mood, 
but in the following lists I have thought it better to give only 
the stem ; the reader can add the form of the infinitives if he 
wishes to refer to them in the dictionaries, as H. ^fj, P. mr or 
*TT, S. IJ, GK ^, M. ijf, 0. ^WT In. the Bengali dictionaries 
verbs are given under the stem alone. 

Skr. y/ ^" be," pres. ^rf?f , Pa. ^rfif and frf?f , Pr. iftflf f frf^, 
^ftT> H* Vt and bo in all, except 8. JTJf , and in O. ^^ is contracted 

1 A pandit in the present day in India 1b an individual who is supposed to be 
deeply read in all the most useless parts of Sanskrit literature, and is densely 
ignorant and contemptuous of all other branches of human knowledge. 

vol. m. 3 



to ^. This verb will be treated at full length further on as the chief 
auxiliary of these languages (see Chapter IV. § 6*6). 

t/^ "move," TOfa, Pa. id. Pr. TO*, H - 8. TO, P- W, 

Q- ^m> ^ras* m. ^r^r» ^r» ^rae* o. b. ^rra- 

\/ ^p^ " stick," WTfif > Pa- m*\V<\ and W*fftT> Pr. ITT^, where the 
m is probably caused by the passive ^pEnt or ^ e P-P-P- WQ> H. ^fif , 
P. Wntf S. 1HT» ' n the rest m*\. It is neuter in the moderns. 

V *|*H « tremble," **rf?r, Pa. u*., Pr. *qf\ H. **, *fa, P. **l. 

s. **, o. m. b. ^rhr, o. ^q. 

V WJ " wander," Pa. Wfa, Pr. H^T (Vik. iv. /mmwui), H. *J*. 
*ff, ^T, P. V^T, *ff or V&, 8. H^, W, **, *fa, G- W?, W, 

There is little that is remarkable in the above list, the 
modern forms being regularly produced by the working of the 
usual phonetic laws. The verb sthd " stand," being one of the 
common auxiliaries, demands a fuller notice. Here follow 
some of the principal tenses in the old languages : 


V TgTT and ^J i. S. 3 
pres. ftgffl 

P. 3. firtfa 

Impv. 8. 2. ft? 

s. 3. froij 

Future 8. 3. OT9rf?l 
Infin. UTT^ 

p.pp. fart 

Gerund ftjWT 




zr*n, T&X ( Var - viiL ^ **)• 

fro, f^j, Trtf. 

Of the three forms in Pali that having <n as its root-syllable 
has survived to modern times, though in most cases with the 
dental instead of the cerebral aspirate. In H. there is only a 



fragment in the shape of a past participle S. fJT m. *ft /., P. 
^ m.yfff. S. G. and 0. have a whole verb, thu« 



f^Tinff " to b*- 99 


s.i. f*r*t 

(=Skr. pres.) 

2. ftnfc, *ft 

3. fan 

p. i. fire* 

2. ftpit 

3. f*nrf*i 

Present part. 


Past part. 



8.3. ^t 

P.3. tff^T 



^|ft and q«)Hft 



The structure of these forms will be found discussed in 
Ch. IV. § 69. M. has an old poetical ^%" " to be," but from 
the Pr. form f^jf there is, as far as I know, only one de- 
scendant, and that is the modern Oriya adjective f^TTT " stand- 
ing," which seems to point to Pr. fafj^tf, Skr. fw$. 

It is interesting here to notice the parallel treatment of 
Sanskrit TgTT and Latin sta in their respective descendants. 
Both roots survive, but have almost entirely lost the sense of 
" standing," and have come to mean " be," " become." In S. 
G. and 0. the above quoted verbs are used as auxiliaries denot- 
ing a more special and definite kind of being or becoming, and 
are thus distinguished from the less definite auxiliaries derived 
from Mor ^|^. Sindhi huanu and thianu, Gujarati hovun and 
thatmn, Oriya hoibd and thibd, stand to each other exactly in the 
same relation as Spanish ser from esse does to estar (from stare). 
Thus Pedro es enamorado " Pedro is loving (by disposition)," but 
Pedro estd enamorado "Pedro is in love (with some one)." So 
el es bueno "he is good (by nature)," but el estd bueno "he is 


well (in health)/ 9 In Italian, although stare still means "to 
stand/' yet it is constantly and regularly used in the sense of 
being, thus sto leggendo "I am reading," does not imply that 
the speaker stands while he reads, but merely indicates that he 
is engaged in reading; just so an Oriya would say parhu thdun. 
Stai bene ? "art thou wqIIP" sta qui vicino "he is living close 
by," would be correctly rendered in 0. by the exactly parallel 
expressions bhdla th&u ? and ethi nikat thde. In French, as in 
Hindi, the verb has been lost, and a Frenchman has to use the 
roundabout expression il se tient debout for "he is standing," 
literally " he holds himself on end," just in the same way as the 
Indian has to say khard hat literally " he is propped up," 
(^pft = Pr. *WT = Skr. *gm from V ^R^ to support). 

§13. Examples of verbs derived from roots which in Sanskrit 
belong to other conjugations than the first are now adduced to 
show how completely all traces of the peculiarities of those 
conjugations have been abandoned. 

Skr. \/ ^JT "g°>" "• Wfil> Pa. id'* Pr. Wrf^ and 4||1|f<* (the latter as 
if from a Bhu verb ^IHlfa), H. 3TT, P. M. B. id., G. and O. retain 3TT in 
some tenses, but in others shorten it to G. ^, O. fflf . 

V ^Hl" sleep," ii. ^frfd, Pa. ^prfcT, Pr. *f^I> $^T> ^pil> H ^ > 
P. ^ft, S. g*f , G. ^, B. and O. *ft. 

V*ft "fear," 111. ftiffif. Pa. *TRrfil, Pr. ^ft**, *TT*f^, iftfT 
(Var. iii. 19), M. fij, *t O. ^f , *ft^, ftf (not in the rest). 

\/ ^?J " dance," iv. WGffH, Pa. H^flf, Pr. HPfff;, H. *TTC, P- *W, 
S. «ra, G. M. O. B. *!T^- 

V^"be able,"v. S|$tPtfa and iv. ^5rf?T, Pa. TOf?T> ^TSEtfff* 

^rapftfa. Pr. ^rsnr> ^rawftfa, and ^°, h. m, p. ?jsg, s. to, 

G. M. J[%. 

In n&ch> as in several other verbs derived from Div roots, the 
characteristic Jf of the Div class seems to have got mixed up 


with the root and has thus been preserved. Although in sak 
both Pali and Prakrit retain some traces of the peculiar type of 
the Su class, the moderns entirely reject them and form as if 
from a Bhft root, thus H. ^f% " he can," postulates a Sanskrit 
ipifir, and so with the other languages. 

How the following verb came by its modern form I know 
not, but all the authorities agree in referring it to V W. It is 
a very common word, and it is just these very common words 
that are the most difficult to trace. Perhaps V became WT, and 
so ^Jf and ^ftw. 1 

Skr. V * " speak," ii. iffifH ""* ^ft> Pr. iftV^ (Mrich. 230, end of 
Act yL) Old H. W9(o is short in Pr.), H. WtW> S. ^ffaf, all the rest WtW* 

§ 14. In the above examples the modern verb retains the 
form of the present tense, but there is a tolerably large class 
of stems which retain the type of the p.p.p. of Sanskrit as 
modified by the Prakrits. 3 These verbs express positions of the 
body, states or conditions whether material or mental, and the 
possession of qualities. The past participle of the Sanskrit has 
been treated as an adjective and a new verb formed form it, 
just as in English we have verbs ts to contract," " to respect," 
" to edit," from the Latin contractus, respectus, editus, the re- 
spective past participles of contrahere, reqpicere and edere. 

The modern Romance languages often preserve a long string 
of nouns derived from a Latin verbal root, while they have lost 
the verb itself; for instance, French, while it possesses no verb 

1 Since writing the above I see that Hemachandra gives bollai as one of the ten 
Prakrit&sms of hath; he means it evidently not as derived from hath, which is im- 
possible, bnt as a popular equivalent (Pischel's Hem. iv. 2). In the same sutra he 
gives also $anghat tor hath, in which we see the origin of M. adnganrn " to speak." 
Hemachandra has also 6otftai«kathayishyati (iv. 360), fotfi*«m=kathayitum, boUiem 
skathyante (?), ib. 383. Bnt he gives bruva as the equivalent of brb in iv. 391, so 
that the origin of bol still remains doubtful. 

1 This process was indicated by me in Vol. I. p. 179. Hoernle afterwards 
discussed it as if it was his own discovery in Indian Antiquary, vol. i. p. 357. 
Perhaps he had not then seen my first volume. 


directly representing the Latin sta "stand," has numerous 
nouns from that root, as station, dtage, from statio, Hat from 
status. From these nouns fresh verbs are derived, as staiianner 
and the like. So also the modern Indian languages, while they 
have lost such roots as dip, kram, as verbs, have nouns dfpa, 
dtt/d and derivatives,, also krama as a noun with numerous 
secondary formations. 

Analogous to this is the practice we are now discussing of 
forming verbs from Sanskrit participles, a practice which 
begins as early as Prakrit, and appears to have arisen from 
the habit mentioned in § 2 of forming a definite preterite by 
compounding the participle with ^R^» as in *nft$f*R "I have 
gone/ 1 It was pointed out in § 7 that this practice had been 
extended in Prakrit so widely that it had resulted in giving a 
termination in f¥% to the present tense, as in Mftl^f+f . Ex- 
amples are : 

Skr. \/ fSffT " enter," with ^tj, Ul|ftl^ " take a seat," i.e. to pass 
from a standing to a sitting posture, p.p-p. VSMftl? " seated," Pa. 
<dl|f<| g\ , Pr. uqfl|£^, and later ^5*1^1> whence, by rejection of ^, 
H. %J, P* *d n M. ^f, where the last consonant is due to a confusion 
between %J and ^f. G. has ^f, which is from Skr. pres. UMfallOl. 
Its p.p.p. is %7t. S. also f^Tf by softening of ^f to \, p.p-p. ^dY- 
With TJ, lrf^n^» " enter," " penetrate," P. llfa^ft, Pr. *H[^i whence H. 
t|^, " to enter " (generally with the idea of penetrating forcibly). G. 
again iftr from ilfejjjffl, p.p.p. T^ft, 8. fqf , p.p.p. xfaft. 

Skr. V Tl^ " cook," ITqfrT, p.p.p. Ifff, Pa. Pr. qgft, H. TO " to 
bo cooked," to be in process of cooking (if you ask, " Is dinner ready ? " 
your man answers, VftRH "I* is being cooked"), P. IJgf, G. IJTO, 
M. fxr^* It also means " to ripen," " to be in course of growing ripe," 
B. tTPi. There is also a stem from the present IT^fTJ, as S. XT^ *' to 
grow ripe," p.p.p. TOft. H. and all the rest have ipf, but in the sense 
of rotting, decaying. 



Skr. V IT* "dry," p.pp. ^J**, Pa- Pp. IjjqgY, H. 1£S « to be dry," 

Skr. \/ ^ " break, 9 p.p.p. VR* Pa. Pr. HflJft, H. mn "to flee" 
(said originally of an army, " to be broken up and dispersed "), G. YfTO, 
M. irtlf , «' to yield, give way," also ?fr a, " to break," O. Iffl • Here 
again there are stems as if from the present fdrm Bhu ?faf?t, Pa. ^fafTT, 
Pr- Jfof, H. ifa " to be broken," and W*. (See § 19.) 

Skr. V*(H "go," with ^, p.p.p. ^JP! "sprung up," Pr. CT?nft> 
H. 531f , " to spring up " (as a plant), P. ^379|, S. G. 531f , M . ^TO* 

It is questionable whether we should here class some words 
which come from \/w with ^T. The present would be 
UJKffl, but though the p.p.p. in Sanskrit is ^¥7T, yet in 
such verbs Prakrit forms the p.p.p. on the model of the 
present tense, and has ^vtf^lft as if from Skr. UflfXfl, so that 
the modern verbs ^HT, Wf, and the like keep the type of 
the present tense as much as that of the participle. 

Another very common word is ^<g " to rise," but in this case 
Prakrit has already adopted this form for all parts of the verb, 
as has also Pali ; thus from V ^ + WT Skr. makes ^TfflT " to 
stand up." 

Present S. 3. UpHUfff 
Impv. S. 2. Ufflg 

8. 3. *frT?g 
Future 8.3. VScmiflftt 
Pres. part *rfW^ 

p.p.p. hiHww 

Infin. ^<V||<j 

Oernnd ^faTRT 






Here, whatever be the form taken in Sanskrit, both Pali and 
Prakrit assume a stem ^p, and conjugate it as if it were a 
Bh& verb throughout. It seems as though ^? being com- 


pounded with Tt had lost its final consonant, thereby making 
a form W8T, whence Prakrit ^\ Sanskrit has adopted the 
opposite course, and while keeping ^^ intact, has sacrificed 
the i& of HfT in the non-conjugational tenses, retaining it in the 
conjugational ones where it is prevented from coalescing with 
the preposition by the reduplicated syllable. In the moderns we 
have H. ^?> P. ^%> S. ^7f and ^5, and in all the rest ^Z. 

The stem ^ has undergone a change of meaning which is 
explainable only by bringing it under this head. 

Skr. V ^ " desert," ^ffif, usually found in Prakrit only in 
the p.p.p., Tfflft ( = Ttff) in ^ e sense of "deserted," then 
almost adverbially, as " without," hence probably the meaning 
which it bears in the modern languages, "to stop," "stay," 
"remain," from the idea of being deserted, left behind. It is ^ 
in H. and all except M. ^Tf > Gk ^f* I* * 8 ancillary inmost 
of the languages as mi?) ^t " go on reading." (See § 72, 10). 

§ 15. Single active stems exhibit the same method of forma- 
tion as the single neuter stems given in § 12. A few examples 
are given of roots which in Sanskrit are of the Bhu, or the 
closely allied Div, Tud, and Chor classes. 

Skr. V *X% " eat," ^^^fH 9 Pa. id., Pr. ^Ti; (Var. viii. 27, for ^T**), 
H. IJTt &D <1 *° m *""• Gipsy khava, Kash. khyun, Singhalese kanavd} 

Skr. V^$ "chew," ^jfi|, Pp. *fl^, H. ^R, P. ^W, 8. ^, 
G. M. ^pf, O. ^n, B. ^TTW. 

Skr. V TQ " read," TOft, Pa. id., Pr. IJf^, H. T|^ (parh), P. M. G. 
id., S. Vfc% (which is only their way of writing VPf), B. T^, O. TRf. 

Skr. V TO " ask" ^fif, Pa. IJ^fiT, Pr. J^, »• ^JS» P. 3^» 
G. B. id., M. J^ (■» VoL L P- 218 )' °- 3*> f^PC- 

Skr. V ^rnl (and ^) "seek," i. ?TFtif?li *• TPfafiT» p «- Wlft 
and Iflftf?!* Pr. *fnT(> H. ifff » P. *fa» 8« IV (»«»rii G. M. *TR» 

B. ^rtT» O. *TR- 

1 Childers, in J.B.A.S. yol. viii. p. 146. 


Skr. • ^"keep," X^fif, Pa. TWft» Pr. T*ST» »• T* "keep," 
also simply " to put,' 9 ift^V 4t *fi% ^T T^ft " P ut the book on the 
stool," P. '?7W> 8. ^T, G. M. B. *?tTO> O. T^f, Singh, rakinavd. 

Skr. W{ "say," **R|f?T, P. qftf?T> Pr. *fJC *^[, H. *f, 
P. S. B. O. id. In M. it is wanting. G. %f , Singh, kiyanavd. 

Those roots which belong to other conjugations are almost 
always reduced to the Bhu type, even if Prakrit retains any of 
the conjugational peculiarities the moderns do not. They take 
in most instances the root-form of the present as it occurs in 
Prakrit, and keep it throughout. Instances are : 

Skr. y/ XR " know," ix. ^TTCTfa, Pa. id., Pr. 4||1|||fA, also ^TUTT (**• 
keeps ^fTHf throughout, but it and Pa. occasionally drop the initial, having 
*HI<IUf^> «tc.) y H. B. JTPT* the rest WftHf. Gipsy janava, Kash. ednun, 
Singh, dannavd. 

Skr. W* do," viii. W^tf** Pa. id. (see § 1 and § 4), Pr. *Hff; and 
VT^ and the stem ^PQ is adopted in most tenses. The moderns universally 
reject all forms but ^PQ> which they use throughout except in the p.p.p., 
which is the phonetic equivalent of Prakrit (see § 48). 

Skr. V ^ " hear," v. ^qftfil, Pa.'^nflfif, *JHrrffl> Pr. ^RC» H. gif , 
and in all OTf or WJ . 

Skr. V *irq " get," v. ^TTRtft (but also i. ^nift), Pa. HIM^Ttfil, 
^liy*llffl and ^P*ftf*T> Pr. (see § 5) ^UTW^> seldom used alone. Old H. 
^pq "to obtain," also used in the sense of giving. 

"Having obtained wisdom and the aid of Sarasen (Saraswati)." 

— Chand, Pr. R. i. xy. 

Also G. ^m "to give," which is the ordinary word in that language, may 
be from this root or from V^ (^g). Far more common is the compound 
with U= 1TPI> Pa. as above. Pr. 1||VSI||^ and later ITPnC* Old H. and 
P. in*> H. Jim and TTT, S. ITT. O. id., G. T(m, M. 1TR, B. HT^ft. In 
all in the sense of finding, getting, obtaining. 



Skr. V *Tf " seize," ix. TOTTfif • The treatment of this root is peculiar. 
Pa. for the most part takes a form ?PTJf > and Pr. generally i)irj(. Some 
of the principal tenses are given here. 


Pres. S.3. 41%* I fa 

Attn. Pres. S. 1. 1T%i 

1 Aor. S. 3. ^Rlftat 
Impv. S. 2. ITCTOr 

s.3. iicnrg 

Impv.Atm. P.2. ffijEH4 

si. n^rrfi? 

8.3. 4|£)mffl 




*i Outfit, *iV*ifif 





Gernnd ^f^T TfafWT 

There are thus two types in Pa. ganh and gah y and three in 
Pr. genh, gah, and ghe. The double t in ghettum and ghettdna 
arises, I fancy, from e being short in Pr., and is not an organic 
part of the word (Var. viii. 15). 

In the modern languages H. has W$ as an archaic and poetic 
word. P. also ?Tf • But M. % " take," is Very much used, as 
also S. f^pt, and 0. %if, the other languages prefer the stem % 
from in?- Singh, gannavd, perhaps Gipsy gelava, is connected with 
this root, though it means rather "to bring." (Paspati, p. 241.) 

§ 16. Some Sanskrit roots ending in vowels have undergone 
curious and interesting changes in the modern languages. 
Such is Skr. V^T "give," iii. ^iffl. This is one of the 
primitive Indo-European race-words, and being such we pro- 
bably have not got it in its original form in Sanskrit. With 
the idea of giving is intimately connected that of dividing, or 
apportioning, and we find in Sanskrit several roots with this 
meaning, all of which seem to point back to some earlier 



common root which has been lost. Thus we have V ^T, iii. 
44lft "give," V^T or ^t, ii. 4TfiT and iv. *rfif "divide," 
1/ 4TO> i. ^nn) and ^ i. 4*p|. Some grammarians, misunder- 
standing a rule of Panini's about reduplication, have imagined 
a V44, i- 44<), but this does not seem to be entitled to a 
separate existence. 1 It is also to be observed that in some roots 
in & there are traces of a form in e or ai 9 which may perhaps 
be the older form, as J(\ and SJ " to sing," TflfT and ^ " to 
meditate," I^TT and J§ " to languish," ^TT and % " to wither," 
^T and ^ "to rescue," <RT and ^ "to measure." Also roots 
ending in A exhibit in the course of conjugation many forms 
in which the root- vowel is changed to t or e. It is not within 
our scope to do more than hint at all these points, as possibly 
accounting for the fact that at a very early stage the root 
<4T began to be superseded by ^, and that in the modern 
languages the universal form is I)E. The principal tenses in 
Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit are here shown together. 

Pres. 8. 1. 44lfa 
8.3. ^itn 

P. 1. jv: 

P. 3. ^rfi| 

8.2. ^ff 

8.3. 441 *J 

8-3. 4140 ft 

Pres. Part. 44<l 
P.p.p. 4^ 

Gerund 77TT 





44ifii»^fif, 4f^f 

4"T> ^ 



4^*ft» ^*ft 

^«» ■*. 


4^t» 4nr» 4f4?rr 





1 'Weetergaard, Bad. Sanskr. p. 6, note. 


Childers thinks the form deti lias arisen either from Sanskrit 
dayate, or from confusion with the imperative detu. The form 
dajjati he, with great probability, considers as a future on the 
analogy of dekh (see § 4). In Qauraseni Prakrit the form ^ is 
used throughout (Yar. xii. 4), as also in the moderns. H. ^, 
P. M. G. id. y S. f^ni, B. alone has ^T, 0. ^, shortened in some 
tenses to f^. Gipsy dam, Kash. dyun, Singh, denava. This 
is one of the few irregular verbs in the modern languages ; 
being subjected to numerous contractions, and retaining several 
early Tadbhava forms. 
Further examples are : 

Skr. y/VR "drink," i. ftRTfir [Vedic TTTf^f* there is also \Zlft, iv. 
lfaj?r|, Pa. ft^fir and ftnPS Pr. ft^, H. ift, a and B. ft, in all 
the re*t tft. Gipsy pi&va, Kash. chyun, perhaps through an old form 
pyun, Singh, bonava, p.p.p. hi. 

Skr. V ^V "lead," i. *ttrfn> Pa. *Rrf?T %fil> Pr. %^, ^ (pre*, 
part. Unnft = Skr. *RPk fut. Hf^St = skr - %^ITf3f » Impv. %f = Skr. 
Vf^f). Used in the moderns only in composition, thus — 

(a) With ^r=^jrft "bring," Pa. ^pTfif, Pr. ^T^, H. ^Pf 

"bring," in all the rest ^OTT- Kashm. anun, Gipsy andva. 

(b) With xrf^= , qf^ifY "lead round the sacrificial fire during the 

marriage ceremony," hence, "to marry," Old-H. i| f^lQ, Mi^«1 1 > 

p. ^t , tw> s. *rir» G - M « *n?j. 

Skr. Vft "fly," with *f =*^ "fly up," i. ^pft, iv. B^hn), 
Pr. ^5^, H. ^1 (ur) " to fly," and so in all. S. has Bf^, probably 
a diminutive. Kashm. umdun, Gipsy urydwa. 

The root ^n " to go," was mentioned above; with the preposi- 
tion ^R forming ^UTOT, it means " to come," and it is from this 
word that the following are apparently derived : 

Skr. TITBIT "come," ii. ^PTTfif, Pa. */., Pr. TOfflC, ^m;, H. ^ 
" to come," P. id., G. ^BRR, M. S|, Gipsy avdva, Kash. yun. The B. 


^H[H> O. 'WQf S. '^f seem to come from ^MJ|4Jt>fd, but both in B. 
and O. one often hears ^R, thus O. (Mi or fold, "he came," and 
S. makes the imperv. du, so that there is some confusion between the two 

In the roots ending in long i the modern languages have 
words descended from compound verbs only, and in them the 
final vowel of the root has dropped out altogether, while in 
roots ending in long a there is a tendency to soften the final 
vowel into t or e. 

§ 17. A few words must be given to a verb which has been 
somewhat hotly discussed of late. In all the modern languages 
except perhaps M., the idea of seeing is expressed by dekh. 
Kashmiri has deshun, Gipsy dikdva, and Singhalese dikanava. 
The root is in Sanskrit V ^V, but the present is not in use ; 
instead of it classical Sanskrit uses !TOfrT> from which M. 
derives its verb XTTf . Marathi stands alone in using this stem, 
instead of dekh. From V^?l comes future JfHfTT, and it is 
from this future that Childers derives the Pali ^bjfrl. He 
shows 1 that in the earlier Pali writings it is always used in a 
future sense, and only in later times becomes a present. As I 
hinted above (§ 4, p. 16), it is very probable that the vulgar, 
missing in this word the characteristic ism of their ordinary 
future, considered it a present, and made a double future 
dakkhmati. A similar process has been shown to have taken 
place in several verbs in Prakrit. Pischel draws attention to a 
fact pointed out in Yol. I. p. 162 of this work, that there is 
much similarity between dekh and the Prakrit pekkh from 
Sanskrit IP*. He, however, goes so far as to assume that the 
word dekh was unknown to the authors of the dramas, that 
they used pekkh, which has been changed to dekkh by the copy- 

1 In Kuhn's Beitrage zur yergleichenden Sprachforschung, vol. yii. p. 460. 
Fischers article is in the same work. 


ists who heard this latter word used round them every day, 
while they did not know of pekh. Unfortunately for this 
ingenious theory, it happens that the word pekh is extremely 
common in Hindi, Bangali, and Panjabi literature of the 
middle ages, and is still used in many rustic dialects of Hindi. 
The idea of a northern Indian scribe not knowing pekh is quite 
untenable. "Weber (Prakrit Studien, p. 69) has a long article 
on this subject, controverting the views of Childers as supported 
by Pischel. The learned professor would derive dekkh from 
the desiderative of f?r, which is f^^f?}, but I am unable to 
follow the arguments adduced, or to see how a word meaning 
"to wish to see" should come to mean "to see." Nor do 
there appear to be any actual facts in support of this theory, 
such as texts in which the word occurs in a transitional state of 
meaning or form. The few desideratives that have left any 
traces in modern times retain the desiderative meaning, as 
piy&sd "thirsty," from pipdm (see Vol. II. p. 81). However, I 
must say to the learned disputants — 

" Non nostrum inter vos tantas componere lites." 

For my own part the impression I derive from the controversy 
is that dekh is derived through dekkh from ddkkh, which is 
Sanskrit future 9psrf?f turned into a present by a vulgar error. 
The idea suggested by me (in Vol. I. p. 161 et seqq.) must be 
modified accordingly. It was not so entirely erroneous as 
Pischel thinks, for Sanskrit ^ represents an older ^, which 
seems to be preserved in the future. 

§ 18. The examples adduced in the preceding sections will 
have sufficiently illustrated the most salient peculiarities in the 
formation of the ordinary single verbs whether neuter or active, 
and I now pass on to the more difficult subject of the double 
verbs. As I mentioned before, there is a very large class of 
these; they appear in two forms, one of which is active and 


occasionally even causal, the other is neuter or passive in- 
transitive. It is after much consideration that I have come 
to the conclusion that this is the right way to regard them. It 
might be said that the forms which are here spoken of as 
neuters are really passives, and a rule might be laid down that 
these languages often form their passive by what the Germans 
call umlaut or substitution of weaker vowels. Childers in fact 
takes this view as regards Singhalese in the article already 
quoted (J. E. A. S. vol. viii. p. 148). I do not know how the 
matter may stand in Singhalese, but it is certainly open to 
much objection as regards the Aryan languages of the Indian 
continent. The neuters differ from the actives in two ways in 
the seven languages, either by a change in the final consonant 
of the stem or by a change in the vowel only. The latter is 
by far the more frequent. "We must not be misled by the 
accident that many of these neuters can only be translated 
into English by a passive ; that is the peculiarity of our own 
language, not of the Indian ones. In German or in the 
Romance languages they can be rendered by the reflexive verb. 
Thus H. Jf^PIT is " to open," i.e. " to open of itself," " to come 
undone," "to be opened," while *Jta*!T* the corresponding 
active, is "to open," i.e. "to break a thing open," "to undo." 
Thus fl[TT ; §*niT " t^ e door opens," is in German " die Thiir 
offnet sich," in French " la porte s'ouvre." While ^JX WfanTT 
" he opens the door," is in German " er oflhet die Thiir," in 
French " il ouvre la porte." So that fa<1T is " sich umkehren," 
while its active Tfe^*|| is "umkehren (etwas)." In English we 
use verbs in a neuter as well as in an active sense, relying upon 
the context to make our meaning clear. 

Moreover, all the languages have a passive, in some a regularly 
formed derivative from Prakrit, in others a periphrastic arrange- 
ment. It is true that, owing to the large number of neuter 
stems, this regular passive is not very much used ; but it is 
there nevertheless, and would not have been invented had 


forms which I regard as neuters been true " umlautend " 

Of the double verbs, then, as I prefer to call them, some 
differ only in the vowel, and the difference consists in this that 
where the vowel of the neuter is always short, as a, i or u, the 
corresponding active has d, e or 0, occasionally i or it. As types 
maybe taken, H. katnd, n, and kdtnd, a; phirnd, n, and phernd, 
a; khulnd, n, and kholnd, a; lipnd, n, and llpnd, a; guthnd, n, 
and g&thnd, a. Of the other class, in which the final consonant 
differs, there are so many varieties, that it will be better to 
discuss them separately. Sindhi has the largest number of 
them, and it is with Sindhi therefore that we must begin. 

§ 19. Trumpp (Sindhi Gr. p. 252) gives a list of these verbal 
stems, but it would have been out of place for him to have 
offered any analysis. The following verbs I take from him, 
but the explanations are my own. The first group consists of 
these verbs. 

(1.) Neuter ending in fj. Active ending in 13. 

1. ^fPQJ " to be bound, 9 ^PJ " to bind." 

2. IJfpg " to be heard/' jftpj " to hear." 

3. *?3ro " to be cooked," "t^f M to cook." 

1. Skr. V ^, ix. ^VrfTT, Pa. ^rftf, Pr. *VT;, whence 8. ^, 
H. Wfcl» P- ^¥(- * n R ^ tne rest itV «• Skr. passive is WHpl, whence 
Pa* IMHHly Pr. 44t|^> S. ^HJ' H -^J» u8ed as a hunting term "to be 
caught," also " to stick, adhere," P. ^S^r*. Here, though undoubtedly 
derived from the passive, the stem ^J is really a neuter or passive in- 
transitive and its conjugation closely resembles the active. There is a 
regular passive S. ^fVJIQJ* 

2. Skr. V *J^ " to know," i. Wt^ri)> i*. ^URT, from the latter come 
Pa* 3*Wffl an d Pr. ^•^JT^) whence 8. Vgf , originally "to know," but now 
meaning " to be heard," H. ^fPIT " to understand," is active. So also 


O. ^fj, B. ^fj, G. 1H|. Bat M. ^| is both a and it. The form of the 
iv. conjugation is identical with the passive, hence 8. makes Wf{ a neater 
and jjhij ig probably due to a false analogy with ^V» 

3. 8kr. \/ ^1| or ^\^ i. (\flfrl originally " to destroy," but in moderns 
always "to cook," Pa. id., Pr. {V|{^ 8. t^» H. ^faf *> and so in all but 
P. Passive ^nt, Pa. , ?^5 r frT, Pr « T^T' ®- TH» not found in the 

(2.) Neuter in 1%. Active in ^. 

1. WflJ " to be got," ^Tfjy « to seize." 

2. IRT^ " staprari " (de muliere), ^TPIT " staprare " (de viro). 

3. >gqig " to be milked," ^jm " to milk." 

1. Skr. VWH " to get," i. W(^ 9 Pa. WlrfrT, Pr. TOC (*»=f Vol. I. 
p. 268), 8. *f , Old H. *f , H. %, P. Hff and %, G. %, M. %, O. if, 
B. *nft, all «. Pass. WWt, Pa. *&WfcT, Pr. W^, S. *CH, Old H. 
K^T, not in the others. 

2. Skr. t/^H "coi"*" *• *PlffT» Pr- *TT' 8 - **f , Pass. ^W?l» 
Pr- f*T^» 8- V|. Not in the others, except perhaps M. ipnft, where 
the aspiration has been thrown back on the ^. 

3. 8kr. \/^f , ii. ^(f*Sl, Pa. ^tffW, Pr. ^f^ and ^f^, 8. gf , 
H. 7^ and ^Vf> and so in all a. Pass. 1p0^, Pa* TfrfH (Childers 
writes duyhati, which can hardly be expressed in Devanagari letters), 
Pr. ^^nC* P 1 * 003 th* 8 we should expect 8. W^. The form ^5) recalls 
a similar one in Jaina Pr. f%«HT for ftf^nC (Weber, Bbag. 389, 429), 
8kr. t%^nt> but this seems to rest upon a doubtful reading of one of those 
obscure composite characters sometimes found in MSS. written with the 
thick Indian reed pen. 8ee also Cowell's Var. viii. 59, note. 1 Possibly we 
have here again a false analogy with ^RT, like jtfSi with *jtef. 

1 Hemachandra collects a number of passives in bh from roots ending in A, dubbbai, 
libbhai, vabbhai, rubbhai, from duh, lih, vah, rah (or ruddh P).— Pischel, Hem., 
iv. 245. 

vol. m. 4 


(3.) Neuter In ff . Active Id f . 

^]Tir " to be envious," ^Y^I " *° torment." 

8kr. V ^f "burn," L ^ff?f , Pa. *fft, Pr. ^fj, 8. «f , H. ^ff , 
^H» Pus- ^W^> Pa - ^fTf^f (Childers dayhati), Pr. ^9|f, 8. ^f|. 

(4.) Neuter in ^f. Active in *f, Hf, if. 

1. H{^m " to be broken," *J3rnj « to break." 

2. ^ng " to be fried," *ppj " to fry." 

3. fi^TOJ " to be plucked," fiPTCJ " to pluck." 

4. ^RJ "to be beard," 3^1 " to near -" 

5. 19^HV " to bo raised," ^TQTir " to raise." 

1. 8kr. V ^ " break," vii. ^rflff, Pa. tfcrft, Pr. *far{ ; ^ becomes 
in 8. *f, hence l^T, Pass. ?f*ft, Pr. *****, 8. 1^ (**= ^), H. lfc| 

" Manliness is broken, fame destroyed." — Chand, Pr. R. i. 172. 

p. ***, g. ift«. 

2. Skr. V *f*J or ip| 9 i. H^ft> ▼*. *j*jfai Pa- Vlfif- Pr- would 
probably be *J*n[« * nave not met the word, ifcf^ (Bhag. 278) it 
from ?ta| "to enjoy," 8. Wf postulates a Pr* ?ta. In the other lan- 
guages the * occurs. H. ipf " to fry," and ^Jlf , P. *JJf , G. ijq|, M . 
IffVMt but also ij^|, O. VJH* B. tdf., Pass. ?TO7t> which would give 
Pr. WHn[> whence 8. TOJ, but the whole stem is somewhat obscure. 


3. Skr. V ft^J " cleave, " vii. ftprf^f, Pa. f^^ft , Pr. flg^f 
(Var. viii. 38), whence 8. ft(lf by the process T^f = T 1 ^ (Vol. I. p. 299), 
Pass. ft^Rt, Pa. f^rfTT, Pr. f*«H, 8. f|pj. 

4. Skr. V ^ " hear," which, as already explained, is always <ff^ in 
Prakrit and in modern languages. Pass, ^rff, Pa. ^Rfft or ^9|f7T, 
Pr. generally 4jf*|4J^ (Var. viii. 57), also $3P£, but a form ^H[ is 
also possible, whence 8. TOI. 


5. Skr. V I«|n^ " rise/' i. 49ft^fJ|» which would give a Pr. ^HOT[> 
whence S. ^Hf , Paw. I9W?}t Pr. JgQH|f^ 8. IJ^f. This stem does not 
seem to occur in the other languages, it is peculiar to 8., and must not be 
confounded with m| " to dig," from Skr. V *SP^» nor Wltn Skr. ^P& 
" to divide." 

(5.) Neuter in ^f. Active in ^. 

1. ^Rff " to be slain," IJ^IJ u to slay." 

2. TOUT " to be rubbed." *JfHT " to rub." 

3. W5R| " to be scorched." *£&£ " *° scorch." 

4. TOPff " to suffer loss." 3^1 " to inflict l 088 *" 

1. Skr. V W^and ** « tear" "drag," i. yrflf, Pr. 1^, S. *f , 
(^ = f, Vol. I. p. 259), Pass. nft, Pr. would be WSNC» whence S- ^pT» 
by rejection of one *• Persian z«*£ "to kill." 

2. Skr. t/*[* "rub," i. ^rffr, Pr. ^RTf;, S. Iff » Pass. ^ft» Pr- 
f%TOnC and ^ran^» S. IRf • The other languages have a different series 
of stems. H. VR and ffRf, n and a, ^RftZ, a, P. id., G. TRI and 
TOnIi a, M. ^TWf ^WZ. ^fa » and a, O. B. ^f. 

3. Skr. V ^* " burn," i. ^rf*> Pr. ^3^, S. ^Jf, Pass. iprfj, Pr. 

WWJ» S. <Ht|* 

4. Skr. V Jf* " rob," i. l^fff, Pa. ?raf?f , Pr. 1J^, S. *Jf , Pass. 

^»$» Pr- Jj<M*v 8 * ^5^- 

There are several other pairs of stems which exhibit special 

types; all, however, are explainable by the above noted process. 


(6.) Neuter in If. Active in ^. 

VTO " to be touched," 7^S " *° toucn -" 

Skr. V W^ " touch," i. JPtfH $ Pa. id., Pr. ^H[. IT being unsupported 

goes out and fj is employed to fill up the hiatus, giving S. Wf . Pass. 

WEef^, Pr. VUn[» whence S. WI|, by rejection of one TJ. In the other 

languages only the active is found. Old-H. TB& 9 H. V, P. sjsj and SV, 


§ 20. There is a group of words running through nearly all 
the seven languages in which the divergence between the two 
members of each pair is slighter than that just discussed* It 
consists in the final consonant of the neuter being the surd 
cerebral Z, while that of the active is the sonant ^ ; the neuter 
at the same time has the simple short vowel while the active 
has the corresponding guna vowel. 

The words are in Hindi. 

Nkutke. Active. 

1. ^Z " get loose," fffa " ** &*«•" 

2 - ^ OJS) " fal1 in Piece*." *$V9 (ifrl) " break." 

3. XgZ " burst, split," 1*T¥ *" tear." 

4. fl|£ " be discharged," Tfa " discharged." 

5. JfZ " be squashed," M^4 " squash." 

6. *p " be joined," *fa "join." 

The process in these words differs somewhat from that in 
the Sindhi stems in the last section, as will be seen from 
the following remarks. 

1. Skr. V 3^ (also ^, ^Z Westergaard, Had. Skr. p. 128) "to cut," 

vi. VZflf 9 but the Bhu type would be fl£^£ftl> Pr- tftTO[» H. f?fc> an< l 
so in all except M., which has M\+, with its usual change of ^ to xj (Vol. I. 
p. 218). H., which is pronounced chhaf, while M. is tod, is active, and so is 
the word in all the other languages. It means " to release, let go, loose." 
Pass. V^Cni » Pr- 93T' w bence H. W£, and so in all, but M. W£. It is 
neuter and means " to get free, be unloosed, slip out of one's grasp, come 


The modern languages appear to have mixed up with this 
verb one that comes from a totally different root, namely — 

Skr. V V% "vomit," vii. BUfftl, also i. < ^^f7f and x. QJ^Cjft, Pa. 

Wffif > **• *fT Md <lf. 01d H - *«> p - «|» B - W1*> O. id., H. 
Effc> M. HiA' These words all mean " to reject, abandon," and thus 


come round to the same meaning as ^fc» with which in consequence B. 
confuses it. So does Oriya. Even so early as Pali the meaning has 
passed over from that of vomiting to rejecting, releasing and the like. 
In modern H.» however, ^|4*U retains the meaning of vomiting, and M. 
4fl|^# means "to spill," with secondary senses of " giving up," "letting go." 

2. Skr. V ^ "break" (*), i. ^zfif, iv. ^rfff, Pr. g^, H. ^ 
and ZZ> with abnormally long «, P. ZJ, S. ZZ> B. id. t M. 7JZ- It is 
neuter in all and means " to be broken, to break itself." Being neuter in 
Sanskrit, a new process has to be brought into play, namely, causal 
^ftZ^rffT* H. rft^T> and 80 m all b°t S. it>f. It is active, meaning "to 
break in pieces, tear, smash." 

3. Skr. V 4||tZ has three forms, each of which has left modern descend- 
ants, and there is a different shade of meaning to each of the three groups. 

(•) V^"8 P Ut, M i.^rzf^Pa.1ir^ 

Pr. TWT^ and H3^, H. JfZ (rustic Tf[2)t P- 8- TO and ^TC, 
the rest only TfcTZ, neuter. 

Causal <!A!4€(0l, Pr. qff%^> H. 1$T¥ and so in all. This group 
with stem-vowel A indicates the splitting, cleaving, or rending 
asunder of rigid objects. Thus we say in H. ^T& VTJ *? Vffe 
" the wood splits, or cracks, in the sun," but mZ 4t iNft % 
TCTO " he cleaves the wood with an axe." 

(*) V f%K% "hurt," x. ftfflCTfrl, but also vi. fwft, Pr. fro?;, 
H. fi|£, and so in all but P. f%!7, neuter. 

Causal ^fZ^Tfrtt P^ %2HC and %H» H. xfe,^ and ifa, and 
so in all but B. active. This group, with stem vowel I, 
implies, gently loosing or breaking up into small pieces. It is 
used for beating up into froth, winding thread, untying ; also 
metaphorically getting out of debt, discharging an obligation, 
and in P. injuring. 

(*) V*f« "burst open," i. qftztilt vi. ^frT, Pa. ^zfif, 


^ r ° 95^ or 1 5T (Var. viii. Sty* H. TfZ and TCg, all the rest 
WJ, except P. IIJ, neater. 

Causal *4jft4<|ft, Pr. tftlT' H - ^I' and *° on in a11 but 

B. l£tZ* Words with the stem vowel U imply the breaking 

or bursting of soft squashy things, as a ripe fruit, a flower 

bud, a boil and the like. Only in M. is there some idea of 

splitting or cracking, but there also the more general idea is 

that of squashing, as Vt^l *RZ% " the eyeballs burst." 

6. Skr. V WZ or WW, a somewhat doubtful root, looking like a 

secondary formation from iffV. It must have had a definite existence in 

the spoken language as its descendants show. They appear to have 

treated it as a neuter pres. Wflf, *JZfil • Pa. and Pr. do not appear to 

know this root, which, however, is very common in the moderns. H. WZ 

" to be joined," also WW, and so in all. 

Causal WtfTQfn, H - wftM» and so in all except P. WJ and WW, 
meaning " to join two things together," 

These instances suffice to exhibit the nature of the parallel 
that exists between twin verbs of this class, which is a some- 
what limited one. 

§ 21. More usual is the difference which consists simply in 
the change of vowel of which I will now give some examples : 

1. Skr. \/ fl "cross over," i. flTfili Pa. id., Pr. lii\, in all KRn "to 
be crossed over," metaphorically " to be saved." 

Causal IU^%|ffl " to take one across, save," Pa. J!T^ftT» Pr. 7TITT 
and tftT^C (Var. viii. 70). In all TTPC " to s&ye " T* 16 word *» 
one which belongs chiefly to religious poetry, but its compound form 
with ^5 is a word of every-day use ; viz. 

2. Skr. V 5TtT> Pros. , d^<ft "descend," H. ^H!T» and in all except 
S. It is », and is used with a very wide range of meanings all akin to 


that of coming down ; as alight, descend, fall off, drop down, disembark, 
abate, decrease. 

Causal U^1K€|f9|"take down," H. ^RTTT> and so in all except G. 

and O. Active, meaning " pull down, take off, unload, discharge, 

cast out." 

3. Skr. V *J "die," vi. ftnft, Pa. T(T$n , Pr. HTf, H. ^, and so 
in all. 

Causal *TTT*rfn> Pa. ifTTf^fif » Pr. *nTT> H - TTT ln all, but not 
necessarily meaning " to kill/' It rather means " to beat " ; the 
sense of killing is generally expressed by adding to TfT^ the 
ancillary TTW " throw " (see § 72, 12). 

4. Skr. \Z*f "move," i. {fl^ftf, Pr. 41 <X. In H. ^BT^ neuter, means 
" to be completed," and in all it has the general sense of being settled, 
getting done. In O. to come to an end, be done with, as % qp$ ?rf^ TOTT 
" that affair is done with." 

Causal UKtlft, Pr. ^TTT» H. ^TTT " to finish," and in all. In O. 
this verb becomes ancillary (see § 72). 

5. Skr. V % " seize," i. fXf*> Pa - w -» Pr « fTT' Thi% verb 5s P CCttl| ar. 
H. Y^o, " to seize," so also in G. P. B. In these languages it has the 
sense of winning a game, a battle, or a lawsuit. In M. Jf^ means first 
to carry off, then to win. In this sense it is active, as TUT^f Mff[WT 
^¥T^TO ifaT ^^ «Ttl% ft Tt 1T% " 'a the first game he staked 
100 rupees, that I wan." When used as a neuter, it means to lose, as 
*ft *TTCt IT*? " * lost the lawsuit." 1 

Causal fTTfRf » Pa- tuftfjl and ff^frl, Pr. H^, H. ^TT, and 
so in all but M. ». In these languages it means to lose at play, etc. 
M. is here also somewhat difficult, and Molesworth admits that ^JT 
and CT are sometimes confused. Thus it is active in the sense of 

1 See Molesworth's Marathi Diet s. v. ^^ and ^TT* 


winning, as Hit WT% ^HK V^ ¥TT% " * won from Wm MO 


The use of the causal in the sense of losing goes back to Sanskrit 

times, where the meaning is " to cause to seize," and then " to permit 

(another) to seize," hence " to lose." So also in Prakrit, in Mr. 90, the 

Samvahaka says : HH ^fall^Hl ^T^W^ ^ jtf*t (Skr. 

*rprctafaipnnn ^uiyqiita ^i vrfrtf sc. mn) "By the unto- 

wardness of fortune I lost ten suvarnas at play." From this and similar 
instances it would appear that in M. it would be etymologically more correct 
to use 1 f^ in the sense of winning, and ^TT in * na * °^ losing; which usage 
would be more in unison with that of the cognate languages. In Rash. 
hdrun is stated to mean both lose and win, but there must be some way of 
distinguishing the two meanings. 

Some more examples may now be given of pairs of words 
derived from Sanskrit roots ending in a consonant. 

1. Skr. V m% and ^ " tremble," I WKfil* Pa. *ltffl> Pr- ^T- 
If I am right in my derivation, there must either have been a third root 
fHb^ (as in mi ^ 9 feh^t *ki£)» or the moderns have softened a to t, the 
former is the more probable. H. ft^ n " to turn (oneself)," " to spin 
round," " revolve," and so in all except G. It is perhaps on the analogy 
of similar roots, and not directly from a causal of ftgff^, that all the 
moderns have tjf^ a " to turn (a thing) round," " to make it revolve." 

2. Skr. V^j£ "to move to and fro" (»). Allied to this is ^qr, 
i- ^frtp)> apparently unknown in Pali, Pr. ^TW^» H. Wjf, P. M. 
T&5> B. TOT, meaning to be dissolved by stirring in water, as sugar or 
similar substances, " to melt." 

Causal Mta«|ft|, Pr « ^t%T^> H. ^ftw, P- ^tW and tf)35, G. M. O. 
vftdb, B. vftmi " to dissolve substances in water." 

3. Skr. V ^ " fall," L Iflrfrl, p a . id., Pr. ITHC (Y*** v™- 61 )» 
H. TTf " to fall," and so in all. 


Causal MTfi*jfa, Pa. HTltf?!, Pr- *TI%^i H. HJW " to fell," and so 
in 8. G. M. B., but somewhat rare in all. 

4. Skr. \/ ^f^ " decay," i. and vi. Ijfaft, Pr. ^T^ (Var. viii. 51), H. 
f, and in all " to rot. 9 

Causal l(|^4|ft, Pr. ^Tl%^, P. and S. WTW "to destroy by de- 
composition." This root is perhaps connected with Sanskrit V J(Z 
" to be sick," whence ^ in Prakrit and the moderns. 

5. Skr. V *RJ " bow," i. iffi?}. It is both a and * in Sanskrit, but 
strictly would be active intransitive, as in the moderns. Pa. *WffT> 
Pr. qpn[, H. if* and ift, P. TO (ncu), 8. ^, B. ^, O. ifc, ifti; (») 
" to bow oneself down," " to prostrate oneself." 

Causal qiJftlffl, Pa. *IT%ffl , Pr. HTH^C' H. 1TPJ» ifj, p. ti^T, 
S. ifaT, B. IfTf » ^nn» O. 4^inC " to bow or bend," used as an 
active with the words "body" or "head" as objects, H. jjfaf 

ITPRT "to incline the head." flfFC ^WT V^ Wfftft JU^M | 
"Coming to the door, bowed hit head to (the Guru's) feet." — T. R. 
Ay-k. 6*3. 
In very common use is the diminutive H. fiQTO, P. S. id., 
but in S., meaning "to bury," "press down." M. uses the com- 
pound form from Skr. VPTRfcT, Pr. ^frunC (P-P-P- ^01^1 = 
^RRTT, Hala, 9, Mr. p. 165), M. ^Jt^HT and ^ftWW fl "to 
stoop." Perhaps S. ^SYwfT " to listen," a, is to be referred to 
this, from the idea of bending the head to listen. 

The following word is full of difficulties, and I am not able 
to elucidate it clearly. 

Skr. y/ ST* " drag," L qrfft and vi. Wf?f , Pa. ^TjfTT, Pr. <*f\*H» 
so, at least, says Var. viii. 11, but in Mr. 253 occurs qtglfjf = IMTfa* 
The Skr. p.p.p is &ft 9 which would give Pa. and Pr. Wj5* Perhaps this 
is another instance of a verb derived from p.p.p. 1 H. qRY a, " to drag 

1 Hemachandra gives six popular equivalents of krsh — katftfhai, saatf^hai, anchai, 
aaachchhai, ayanchai, and ainchai, as well as karisai. — Pischel, Hem. iv. 187* 
With regard to the four last, see the remarks on khainch in § 22. 


out," "extract," "to take something oat" (from a box, etc.), P. W5 and 
WWt S. qft, G. B. qrre, M. O. qrr?- H. has a corresponding neater 
qft "to be taken oat," "to flow forth," "issue," which is perhaps from 
the p.p.p. Van vili. 40, gives Pr. %>n[=r Skr. %gf?|, which affords an 
analogy for a Pr. WJT^ Ilk* the Pali, very much used in the compound 
with f^R£; thns — 

Skr. fvpspi) i. fau*4frT» Pa. f^SRfffl " to torn out of doors, expel ;" 
as to Pr. in Mr. 354 occurs fl^SRV "begone!" and in tbe line above 
ftn*3T%f^ " turn him out." For the change of ^ to sj, Var. viii. 41 
^§fT^= U$gf?1 affords an analogy, as the change in both words occurs 
only in composition. Several of the moderns have pairs of words, thus : 

h. ftqrcr *» " go out," p. fiisoB, s. fafarc;, o. frocis, o. fafadb, 

and H. f*TOTW «• " turn out," P. f*TSfT3o> S. f^UTT^, f*!%^. In the 
above quoted passages of Mr., the scholiast renders f*TCJT%f|[ by 
OrS|rnr^> erroneously for 0|U|k|4|t|, from fifx^ and ^£, but this is 
not the etymological equivalent, for V ^R£ ^ tD f*TC£ oas ^^ * separate 
set of descendants, whose meaning is, however, almost the same as nikal 
and its group. Thus we find H. flRIRf *> " go out," P. ftSPEI, G. id., 
and H. ftlft(4J a, " to turn out," often used in a milder sense, " to bring 
out," the substantive fq<4(4J is frequently used to mean the issue or com- 
pletion of a business, also as a place of exit, as TTPft *JT f*WTO *nff 
" there is no exit for the water," P. f*lSI4|. 

§ 22. As exhibiting the phonetic modifications of the root 
syllable, as well as the treatment of roots in respect to their 
phase, whether active or neuter, the list which is here inserted 
will be useful. In the next section will be found some remarks 
on the deductions to be made from these examples. 

Skr. V W^ " heat," i. ITqfrT, Pa. id. 9 Pr. 7|^[. In Sanskrit it is both 

a and », so also in Pali. In the latter the passive TTWfiT (Skr. 7TO?t) 

means to be distressed, to suffer, and in this sense Pr. uses 7p(Y^» as in 


JaAa dittho taval fchalo, "as the bad man is distressed when seen" (Hfila, 
229). Causal fllMtlft " to cause to born/' Pa. Tfftftf " to distress/' 
Pr. 7TT^« The moderns take it as a neuter. H. ?fX^ n, " to be heated, 
to glow/ 9 and so in all but B. cTTO- H. 7TR "to beat/' P. W&> Kit 
G. JTR, M. f«f.» B. fl|q|. 

Skr. V tllK. " smear/' vi. ftpqft, Pa. id., Pr. flRTf » ftl*nCf H. ^fa, 

Qq 9 P. fwcg, f*R*, ftRTf S. fita> ftR» G- f*R> M. %ty, B. %ty, 

O. f|rq. Pass. ffPJRt, Pa. fipXTft, Pr. ftn^* H. flR" to be smeared 
with," M. ffpl, G. %C|, which is the reverse of the others. 

Skr. V 3R^ " cut," vi. ITwlfTf, also i. ^flft?l, Pa. not given. If the 
Bhu type be taken, as it generally Is, then Pr. should have W^%^ (on the 
analogy ofOTs: *T^fy I have not met with it The Bhu type being 
Atmanepada would result in a modern neuter, thus we get H. ^Z " to be 
cut," P. If, S. ^TZ> M. id., B. qs " to wither," become flaccid, O. ^E£. 
The causal is %^€|f{|» whence G. pass, in trans. ( — 1) qiZTi but if formed 
on the usual type would give a Pr. *U$T^» whence H. qfT? " to cut/' 
S. M. B. O. id. 

Skr. VW W^"tie," i. ifcrflt, ix. TJ*jTfa> Pa. *Nfil» ^ffil. 
Pr- 43^* Hence H. G. lltja, '* to knot," P. 4sl, IfJ, S. ?fc, M. Iftj, 
Iffct, both a and «, G. ?lt?a» B. 1ftrT> Tfai 0« 1P9' Passive ITOn 
used in a reflexive sense, whence H. ^J " to be knotted," or lf7 without 
anuswara, P. lfj, G. WSJ ( — !)• H. has also forms ifa*, and ITtW^t 
the former from Pr. ifaf, Mr . 157. 

The p.p.p. lrt%Rf appears in Pr. as ffi^> perhaps as if from a Skr. 
iTfcrT* Hence we have a pair of verbs, H. 1TW " to be threaded (as beads 
on a string)/' P. 1TW " to be tightly plaited (as hair), to be strong, well- 
knit (as limbs)/' M. 3frf and ifaf " to become tangled, to be difficult or 
involved (an affair)," G. *PJT, and H. 1TW "to thread," G. ita. 

^St ^S\ ^SJ 

Skr. v 7 Z^ " totter," i. Z^fif (perhaps connected with V *^H titubare, 
see VoL I. p. 210). I have not found it in Pr. ; it is n in Skr. and thus 


H. Z*t «, "to give way, yield, totter," P. G. M. Z3B, 8. fjuj, ZKf 
B. Z^f " to slip, stagger," O. Z35 ^. Causal TRRrf^f » H. ZTW a, " to 
drive away,"$*| "to push," P. T[do, &• M. id., 8. ZTT> B - ^TO " to 
delay, put off, evade," O. ZT35 W. 

Skr. V ?p»J, HW " raise," " weigh," i. TftWfTT , x. g*R-ff?T and lltW* » 
Pa. TJ%f?f, Pr. <$*n[, H. 7-ftW, Tft^f «» * to weigh," P. ?ftl • 8. *ftT> G. 
ta., M. TO5, both a and n, B. cft^T and ?p»J, O. cfaf . Pass. g<«f)t 
would be Pr. 3HT> **. fJ*i " to be weighed, to weigh," i.e. to be of a 
certain weight, P. id., 8. <CT, B. O.TTff. 

Skr. V ^n^ " prop," v. ^R^ftf?T» is- Wfffij* Pa-> the v erD * 8 n °t 
given in Childers, it would be ^fr-ff?!, Pr. Yfan[> H. ^rt*T> also spelt 
^Tf and TBTfa a, "to prop, support," P. ^r*?9 or ^?f , 8. lflS{ 9 G. 
^rt*T» B. JE||4{|, O. 12|l«H- Pass. V97T » there is also an Atmane conju- 
gation ^mnt. From this latter probably H. ^ftf, Yffl> ^fa «, " to be 
supported, to be restrained," hence " to stop, cease," P. ^9f , 8. '^H, G. 
^t?f, M. ^flf, ^TR?> ^rt^T* It also means "to stand," especially in G. 

The p.p.p. is ^ro> Pr. ^TT» whence Old-H. 7RTT "standing," as 
*Mt ^Hf ^tf%RI $ fanRfa W THft I " All the Gopis on the terrace 
standing and looking." — S. S. Bal Hla, 47, 14. On the analogy of this the 
modern colloquial H. ^TCT '* probably to be derived from a Pr. ^f^f , 
from IBffSq, V ^|RT- P. has Wll offf. " standing," whence a verb ?3^ 
" to stand." 

Skr. V WR with flf , f*W?^, i. f*Wfl?l " to come to an end, be finished," 
Pr- (Ul t *4'H^» means " to return," pa piattcu jowanam dikkantam = If 
Olfllln ^ftfT ^rfrT^rrW! " Youth when once passed does not return 
again" (Hala, 251), but we may postulate a form 0l|4£f,> whence H. 
ft^Hf *, " to be finished, to be done with, used up," P. id., 8. f)|fi|^f or 
f*rf*rC> B. fWM* O. id. On the analogy of similar words H. ft 4 1 "4 » 
flf%9 a, " to finish," P. id., 8. fvr%^, B. O. f*TWT¥> it might also come 
from fanflffl = Pr. (Qf<|>f^t but the meaning is less appropriate. 


Skr. V W% with ft, f«pE(Z> i. fTOZ$ "be destroyed," Pa. ftM^ffl, 
Pr» RlM4f^» With loss of aspiration, H. f^PHF *> " to become useless, to 
be spoilt," P. uf., S. ftfir?, G. ^ni> M. retains the aspirate f^TTO. 
B. O. ft?T¥* Causal f^fZ^lfH> but Pa. fqt||2ni> with characteristic 
long vowel of causal, Pr. I have not found ; it would be fW^T%^> H. 

f^nrn «, " to spoil," p. s. g. w., m. f^n- 

There are, as might be expected, many verbs, and those 
often the very commonest, in the modern languages, which 
cannot be traced hack to any Prakrit stem with any degree of 
certainty. Others, too, though they preserve traces of a Prakrit 
origin, cannot be connected with any root in use in Sanskrit. 
These are probably relics of that ancient Aryan folk-speech 
which has lived on side by side with the sacred language of 
the Brahmins, without being preserved in it. Sometimes one 
comes across such a root in the Dhatupatha, but not in litera- 
ture ; and occasionally the cognate Aryan languages of Europe 
have preserved the word, though it is strangely missing in 
Sanskrit. An instance in point is the following : 

H. Wfi^ <*> " to load," P. lf^, more from analogy than anything else, 
8. WW- In all the rest WR[- 

H. ?p^ *, " to be loaded ;" not in the others. Bopp (Gomp. Gloss, s. v.) 
suggests a derivation from V ^J^, PPP- ^TRT "tired," or V 9T3?, p.p.p. 
YPH " tired." This would seem to be confirmed by Russian klad* " a 
load," klazha " lading," na-kladevaf "to load;" Old-High-German 
hladid, Anglo-Saxon hladan "to load," hlad "a load," Mod. High- 
German laden. The wide phonetic changes observable between various 
members of the great Indo-European family so seldom occur between 
Sanskrit and its daughters, that I am disposed to think that neither Skr. 
3TTO nor JfJWt could well have given rise to a Hindi Idd. It seems 
more probable that this is a primitive Aryan root which has, for some 
reason unknown to us, been left on one side by classical Sanskrit. 


Of doubtful, or only partially traceable, origin, are the 
following : 

H. TQpf^ and Kft>I «» "to dig" P- *<*•> 8. *£&> *Sfa> <*• Wt^» M. 
^C, ^ff, B. ^. And H. ^, ^ff "to be dug." With this pair I 
propose to connect H. ^ftW a > "to open," P. ^ft^V> ^9W» ®* **" ^" 
^ft*J, B. O. ?JW, and H. ^W «, "to come open/' P. 1i|sjf , 8. ^T, G. 
M. id. Pr. has a verb WMt and this root is also given in the Dhatup&tha 
as existing in Sanskrit, though not apparently found in actual use. The 
Sanskrit form is probably V ^P3f " to divide,* with which another root 
l^l^ "to dig," has been confused, unless, indeed, the noun ^P9> "a 
portion," is formed from V*§*^> and is the origin of VW*&- The 
Prakrit occurs in Mr. 346, Wtf*T ^fa^MIVj <tt|m4«lll Y TW^ 
" Like a golden pot with its string broken, sinking in a well," where the 
scholiast renders m) <d0l£flMI9(> etc. Also in Mr. 219, "^WT^ftTf^f^ 
l^TTinV^nC^t ^(4^1 > " While the sun was only half risen the cow- 
herd's son escaped* i.e. broke out. It is probable that the two senses of 
digging and opening in the two modern pairs of verbs arose from a primi- 
tive idea of breaking or dividing. 

H. VnB or Wf n, "to dive, be immersed, sink," S. W€> G. ^yf, 
M. B. O. id., and H. iffc a, " to drown, to immerse," S. id., ^V9 occurs 
in M. and S., not as active of Wf f but for *0>sj (*fa) "to shave." 
Apparently, an inverted form of this stem is the more commonly used 
H. ^( », " to sink," used in all ; it has no corresponding active form* 
The origin of these words is to be found in Pr. BJ (Var. viii. 68), which 
appears to be the same as vudda in daravuddavuddanivudda mahuaro, 
" (With) the bee a little dipped, (quite) dipped, undipped " (said of the bee 
clinging to a kadam branch carried away by a stream). — Hftla, 37. 1 The 
Sanskrit lexicographer* give a V ^f " to cover," but no instances of its 
use. The reversed form dubb is also in use in Prakrit, as in the quotation 

1 Bu44&i»masjatL — Piaohel, Hem. iv. 101. 


from Mr. 346, given under ^ffc above, where the speaker is a Chand&la 
or man of the lowest caste, who may be held to speak a low form of 
Apabhranca. It is perhaps another of those Aryan roots which Sanskrit 
has rejected. The classical language uses instead masf, Latin mergere. 

H. %£, Sfe <h " to meet " (to join any one), 5^f a, " to close, shut," P. 
^, 8. 5^ and *frf , O. 5fe, M. fif^, both a and », B. 5fe, ifa, O. 
^Z; and H. fifl " to stand close to, to be crowded," P. W., S. G. id., 
M. ife, B. fin "to approach near to," O. f^ "to be tight." The 
general idea is that of closeness or a crowded state. There is also a sub- 
stantive *ffa "a crowd." From the meaning I was led to suppose 
(Vol. I. p. 176) a derivation from a Sanskrit p.p.p. ^W"| " near," which, 
however, has been disputed. The question mast for the present be left 

H. ife " to efface," P. S. id., and more common H. fifir *, " to be 
effaced, to fail, wear out " (as a writing or engraving), and so in all. Of 
this stem, all that can be said is, that it is probably connected with *Tg 
" rubbed," p.p.p. of V 1fl^> though one would expect a Pr. fTTJ* or Wg, 
and H. eft?* There are two other stems ending in <£, which present 
nearly the same difficulty, viz. : 

H. fas "to be beaten," $*JTT ^R^, J?t ftdtf "If you act 
thus, you will get a beating," P. ftj, M. fCRT, both a and », B. 
and O. fCTST a, and H. tfaf. a, "to beat," not in the others. In 
Prakrit there is ft^ " to beat," fxrff^f H^ *fa ftHR|T%ff " Having 
beaten this slave, turn him out" (Mr. 354, again in the mouth of a 

Chandala), and ft^^O* ^^ T^ft *frf5F^t "I "««* ™ u 
about again like a beaten jackass " (Mr. 107). Here, unless this is a non- 
Sanskritic old Aryan root, we can only refer to ftfg " ground, broken," 
p.p.p. of V ftpf " to grind/' but this is hardly satisfactory, as this root 
has a descendant, H. xfcl " to grind," and flRf «, " to be ground." 
H. WZ «, " to lie," " to be in a recumbent posture," and ftrc *> " to 


wallow," P. %£, ffHZ, 8. WtZ> G. M. id. Probably connected with 
iftZ > bat there does not appear to be any Prakrit root to which it can 
be traced. The nearest 8anskrit root is V ift " to lie down;" loftai = 
svapiti. — Pischel, Hem. iv. 146. 

There is next to be noted a small group of steins ending in ^, 
concerning which also there has been some controversy. 

Skr. Vjft "buy," ix. ^ffaTTfa and Iffhlfffi, Pa. ftNnfff, Pr- ftWT» 
H. qft*T» 8. f*p% (is not the w here due to some confusion with Pr. 
%"qj = TTf " take " ?), B. O. fipf . This is a single verb, the compli- 
cations occur in the following compound with ftf, fiftsT "sell," ix. 

fatflUllfil. P»- OlfflRUIlOl* Pr. f^faWt;, 8. f*rf*»J «> " to 8dl, w 
O. f^RI , Gipsy bikndva. But in H. f^Rf is », " to be sold, to be exposed 
for sale," as ^PTO ^fflV ^PVT f^TOIT " Tlce > s Belling cheap to-day." 
In M. fm is both a and n, as fW%K Tf^l f*J%W " when it is ripe it will 
sell." So also P. 8. fJRf », " to be sold." For the active H. has ifa 
sometimes pronounced "^fa" " to sell," as 1RM 1 4TOW %^TT " he is 
selling rice to-day." P. %^, G. %^, B. %^f . When we remember that 
all verbs are prone to take the forms of the Bhu type, it is intelligible that 
fipf should mean both " to sell" a, and "to be sold" », for the Paras- 
mai of the Bhu form would be tq^tlffly and the Atmane ftR|Rrft> and 
the final syllable being rejected as in y/ ^\ and V ^ft mentioned above, 
the stem resulting in both cases would be f^Rf . 8. and Gipsy have 
retained the Hf of the Pr. ftfsnnC* But whence comes the ^ in %^f ? 

H. ^hT» commonly pronounced %^ "to pull, drag," is a similar word. 
P. f^RT and f^fcf, G. M. %fa> B - %f ttnd %ft» 0» W. Also H. fcre 
n, "to be dragged," B. f^TC> fiSta "to be dragged or distorted (the 
face), to grin, make faces, writhe," M. fcTO* From the meaning we are 
led to think of Sanskrit V SR " to drag," and although this root has 
been shown to have given rise to another pair of verbs kafh and kdfh^ 
and in composition to ni-kal and ni-kdl, yet it is not impossible that, used 


in a different sense, it may have originated another set of words Hke 
kkeneh and its congeners. 1 
H. TTjf^ "to arrive" », written in various ways as tnfc, IQnf, 

iot¥, p. xnN> 8 - *w*> <*• ^tpff ^1Nr» m. id., b. trjf^ or xnN> 

O. Tjy^f. In the dialects are some curious forms, as Marwari TO and 
in, which also occurs in Chand, and in Nepali. Chand uses also a form 
irjf, as felf ^€| jjfj 1 ft% ^n^T I "In two days one easily arrives 
(there). 9 Pr. R. i. 175. In Old-Gujarati also there is a verb IJ^tfl* *•&?• 

TO5 *ifc ^JT?^ % VBTW HW f *lfW1r " 8ay» Nala to Narada, 
this story does not arrive at mind" {i.e. is not probable). — Premdnand 
Bhat, in K. D. ii. 74. 8. MJfM has p.p.p. 1QTlft» which latter looks as 
if it were from H + WH* but this will not account for the ^. Hoernle 
(Ind. Ant. i. 358) derives this word from the old Hindi adverb TTjf " near,* 
and ^HC "make," assuming a change of <Bf into ^; but though this 
change occurs in the ancient languages, there are only very few and 
doubtful traces of its existence in mediaeval or modern times, and I do not 
think we can safely base any argument upon so rare a process. Hoernle 
goes so far as to consider H. *WTT " to call," as the causal of THf, which 
he says was (or must have been) anciently Vfc. There is another possible 
derivation from 8kr. ITPn " • guest," which becomes in H. MIV*H> but 
this mils to explain the final ^. 

Some light may perhaps be thrown on the subject by some 
stems in the moderns ending in *(, for as S| arises from ^ + Jf, 
so ^ arises from if + H (Vol. I. p. 326). Thus : 

H. ifcr a, "send," P. id. Here we have Skr. Vf*(^ " cleave," 
" separate." Causal ?)^4|ffl, which would make a passive ifaft " he is 
made to separate," i.e. "he is sent away." If we take the active causal as 
the origin of this word, we must admit an elision of the vowel between d 

1 See note to X?sh in { 20. The cognate verb mnchnd is also in use in the 

vol. m. 6 


and y ; or, taking the simple passive fifjft, we may assume that there 
was a neater f$TO "to be sent/ 9 from which the active ifc " to send/' has 
been formed ; bhij y however, is not found. 

H. *p* », "to sound," P. */., 8. Tp? and *pj, G. ^T, M. THC, B. trf. 
Also H, ^nr a > " to play (music)," and n, " to sound." Probably from 
Skr. V *T7 " speak," causal q|^€|0l> Pa. ^^f?T and q^ffl, the passive 
of the causal is Skr. TTO?I> Pa- T^rffT " to be beaten," i.e. " to be 
caused to speak," as vajjanti bheriyo " drums are beaten." Hence the 
modern bfy\ The short form baj is apparently due to analogy. 

§ 23. It is the business of the lexicographer, rather than of 
the grammarian, to work out the derivations of all the verbs in 
these languages, and even he would probably find the task one 
of insuperable difficulty in the present elementary state of our 
knowledge. It is hoped that the examples and illustrations 
given above will have enabled the reader to gain some insight 
into the general principles which have governed the modern 
languages in the process of forming their verbal stems. To 
conclude this part of the subject, I will now point out what 
seem to me to be the laws deducible from the examples above 
given, and from many others which, to avoid prolixity, I have 
not cited. 

Single neuter stems are derived (i) from the Prakrit present 
tense of Sanskrit neuter verbs, or (ii) from the Prakrit passive 
past participle, or (iii) Prakrit has assumed one form for all 
parts of the verb, which form has been handed down to the 
modern languages almost, if not entirely, unchanged. Types 
of these three processes respectively are ho> baith, and uth. 

Single active stems are formed from the Prakrit present of 
active verbs, and in cases where the verb in Sanskrit is not 
conjugated on the Bhfl. type, Prakrit usually, and the moderns 
always, adopt the Bhft type. Here, also, Prakrit has oc- 
casionally taken one form of root and used it throughout, and 


the moderns have followed the Prakrit. Types of these classes 
sreparh, kar, and ghen. 

In the double verbs two leading processes are observable. 
Where the root is conjugated actively, or is active in meaning 
in the ancient languages, the modern active is derived from it, 
and in that case the modern neuter is derived from the Prakrit 
form of the Sanskrit passive, as in labhanu, lahanu, or as chhor, 
chhut. Where the ancient root is neuter, the modern neuter is 
derived from it, and in this case the active is derived from the 
ancient causal, as in tut, tor, or mar, m&r. 

These rules, if further research should eventually confirm 
them, do not provide for every modern verbal stem, as there 
are many whose origin is obscure and doubtful. It is highly 
probable that as we come to know more about these languages, 
we shall find out other processes which will throw light upon 
the method of formation of many now obscure stems. 

It should here also be noted that even where the same stem 
occurs in the same, or nearly the same, form in all the lan- 
guages, it is not used in the same phase in all. Marathi and 
Sindhi have different sets of terminations for neuter and active, 
so that the fact of the neuter and active stem being the same 
creates no difficulty, the distinction of meaning being shown 
by the terminations. Thus in M. ?(t?> if treated as a neuter, 
would be conjugated thus : Present gdnthato, Past gdnthald 
Future gdnthel, etc. ; but if as an active, thus: Present gdnthito, 
Past gdnthilen, Future gdnthil In this language, therefore, we 
often find a verb used either as active or neuter; while in 
Hindi, which has one set of terminations for all stems, the 
difference between active and neuter can only be marked by 
the stem. In several rustic dialects of Hindi, however, and in 
the mediaeval poets, we often find the neuter verb with a long 
vowel, but confusion is avoided by giving to the active verb 
the terminations of the causal, thus TOJfT " to grow big," " in- 
crease," makes its active TOPTT " to make big," and rustic and 


poetical Hindi often uses WTOTT for the neuter, as ipft ^ TO? 
*l\*l4n I 3TT% ^ W& *ftWJ I " Such a god is manifest in 
Govardhana, from the worship of whom wealth of cattle *»- 
creases," — S.S. Govardhanllld, ii. 15, et passim. So also WPRl thpf 
^irmi ^JT N " It grows like the threads of the lotus."— Padm. 
This subject will be more fully discussed under the causal. 

§ 24. Gujarati, as will have been noticed in the examples 
given in the last section, often wants the neuter stem with the 
short vowel, but has in its place a form in which d is added to 
the stem, the included vowel of which is short. This form is 
not inoorrectly treated by some grammarians as the ordinary 
passive of the language. It should, however, in strictness, be 
recognized as the passive intransitive (that form marked — 1 in 
the scale, § 10). l The rules for its formation are simple, in 
stems, whether neuter or active, having d as the included 
vowel, it is shortened to 0, as — 

^Tfa " read," ^TT " be read." 

^Tfo " mark, test/' ^faff " be tested." 

M\*ido " hear," 3?T36T " be heard." 

The shortening does not always take place when the included 
vowel is i or #, though from the way in which short and long 
vowels are used indiscriminately in Gujarati, it is not safe to 
lay down a hard and fast rule on this point, thus — 

jffar « learn," jf^r (fVW) " be learnt." 

*ffa " sew," jffarr (flRT) " be sewn." 

Where the stem ends in a vowel, ^ is inserted to prevent 
hiatus, as — 

HT " wash," *prT " be washed." 

^TT " eat," VfT " be eaten." 

f*nft " fear," frf^T " be feared." 

1 Vans Taylor, Gujarati Grammar, p. 81, from which most of the following 
remarks are borrowed, though I diverge from him in some points in which his views 
seem to be open to correction. 


With regard to the meaning and method of using this phase, 
it appears that its construction resembles that of the neuter, 
while it implies either simple passiveness, habit, or power. As 
a simple passive, TJTOft THTOT *Kl*Tt " B&vana was killed by 
B&ma," ^g %?nC it *ft mV$ "In this field seed has been 
sown;" as expressing habit, X^ ^TRl % ^T^ "thus it is 
correctly said," i.e. " this is the correct way of expressing it ; " 
*R ^VTt *jji WXTQ& " this boy is (usually) thought to be 
stupid ; " as expressing power or fitness, Tfartft 'TOTO *(ft " he 
cannot walk," literally "by him it is not walked;" TJ*R *ft 
VTRJ W*m Tfif " a king cannot (or must not) do injustice ; " 
1^ W44l<n TR£ ipt ^TTlft 4faTRT iff " th© well has become 
impure, therefore its water is not drunk." Some of the words 
which take this form are, to all intents and purposes, simple 
neuters in meaning, like abhaddyo in the sentence just quoted, 
which means " to be ceremonially impure," and points back to 
a Sanskrit denominative, as though from ^f "not," and VF£ 
"good," there had been formed a verb WJ£|«|fl "it is not 
good." So also *p?^pt " to be used," "to be in use," as ipi 
V$ IT % UiTO ^TCTTO % "two affixes are in use with one 
meaning," postulates from ^TRTT, a denominative 4UMKIt(7|, 
or perhaps the causal of f?| + ^R + ^=4UMK4|ffl* This seems 
to be the real origin of this phase, though some would derive it 
from a form of the Prakrit passive. At any rate, the two 
stems just quoted (and there are several others of the same 
kind) look more like denominatives than anything else, though 
in others this form inclines more to the passive signification, as 

m?ft ^ftlTO I "Having seen the moon-like face of the 
daughter of Bhimaka in its beauty — The moon wasted away, 
having hidden itself in the clouds." — Prem&nand in K.-D. ii. 74. 
Here iftHT is " to be beautiful," and looks like a denominative, 
but ^taTO has more of a passive or reflexive meaning, " to be 
hidden," "to hide oneself." Again, ^JJiJcO 1 *^C ^5ft 


^QTRf nO^ " Seeing the belly of Damayanti, the lake dried 
up," (ib. ii. 75), literally "was dried up." So also *f^ WfTJg 
WT^ wft W^Pt H ^jfa %* ^ftlWnr I " When the house has 
caught (fire), he has a well dug, how can this fire be put out P" 
— K.-D. i. 184. 1 The verb ^ftoPTT is also written ^f °> *ad is 
probably the same as 0. qft^l "to descend, alight," M. WtfcB 
"to trickle, flow down," which I take to be from ^*m + w = 
^nraTfa, Pr. 'Vhrint (Magadhi), and with change of * to 
V = ^ft^W. It is used in the sense of removing oneself, thus : 
^ % ^fal*V "ho there! get out of the way!" (Mr. 210), 
and causal WtlJTft^T "HH VHT " I have got the cart out of 
the way," (ib. 211) = Skr. HM*MRtt l- This phrase is conju- 
gated throughout all the tenses, thus ^tVTTJ "to be lost." 
Present ^fan? "he is lost," Future ^ifarnt " he will be lost," 
Preterite <g\q|1JY, ^St^THft> or ^fcfTipft % "he has been lost," 
and in active verbs it is used in the Bhava-prayoga, as a sort 
of potential, as %*rnft WtTRJ " ne CSJ1 loose," ?NT^t ^1>f \M\ 
" he could loose," T^ITO^ ^fant " he will be able to loose." 

As to the other languages, a similar form is found in the 
Bhojpuri dialect of Hindi, used as a simple passive, as qqRI 
" seize," TOTT " be seized," as ^1J M4t4I^A IT " I am being 
seized." In this dialect, however, there are signs, as will be 
shown further on, of a passive similar to that in use in classical 
Hindi. In the old Maithil dialect of Bidyapati, which is 
transitional between eastern Hindi and Bengali, this form is 
found; thus, ftTOTT TO 5ft *T*rff ^pffRW "As water poured 
out on the ground is dried up" — Pad. 984. VT'ft WttTRRI 
ifrtf^TCt^ I " (He who is) the moon of Gokul rolled himself on 
the earth."— P.E.S. 77. *J t^TC VW( Vtfwm *fir ^ 
^WZTO I "As a lotus pressed down by the wind is tilted by 

the weight of bees" (var. lect. ijf^=by a swarm). — Pad. 1352. 

1 This is equiralent in meaning to our English saying, "When the steed is stolen, 
shut the stable door." 


There seems to be some difficulty in deducing this form from 
a Prakrit passive. One of the methods in which the passive in 
Prakrit is formed is by resolving the y of Sanskrit into ta or 
ia, Skr. ^m^ s Pr. ^rrt^rf^; and it is supposed that this t; has 
become ^RT, and subsequently Iff, but no instances of inter- 
mediate forms are found; it would seem, therefore, more correct 
to suppose that this form originates from the causal of Sanskrit 
in those instances where the causal characteristics are used 
to form denominatives, and has from them been extended 
to other verbs. Neither explanation, however, is quite satis- 
factory, and the question is one which must be left for further 

§ 25. The regular Passive (phase —2) is found only in Sindhi, 
Panjabi, and in some rustic dialects of Hindi. It arises from 
the Prakrit passive in qja (Var. viii. 58, 59). Thus Skr. gruyate 
= sunij/ai, gamyate = gamijjdi, hasyate = hasijjdi. In Sindhi the 
passive is formed by adding f^f or S| to the neuter or active 
stem. 1 Thus — 

irn " to bury," Passive tHta " to be buried." 

^ZV " to lessen," „ M (£41111 " to be lessened," 

A passive is also made from causal stems, as — 

PV*U|U " to lose," Passive fl|4||{4|l|| " to be lost" 

Here, also, we find denominatives which have no correspond- 
ing active form, and have scarcely a passive sense, as <4<dfUA4l4| 
"to long for," where the causal termination used in Sanskrit 
for denominatives appears to have been confused with the ijja 
of the passive. Thus Skr. I&FG " longing," makes a verb 
WHsi^lfil " to long for," whence the Sindhi ukhandijanu. So 
also ^faffinRJ " to be entangled," which seems to be from Skr. 
IVli or ^yf^ " a finger," whence we may suppose a verb 

1 Trumpp, Sindhi Grammar, p. 258. 



1|#^€|ft "to be intertwined (like the fingers of clasped 
hands); 9 ' >ffjj4^ "to be angry," from ^Rf% "anger," Skr. 
^FHC "uproar," of which the denominative would be 44Kejf<|. 
In cases where the vowel of the active stem is long in the 
imperative, but shortened in the infinitive, the passive retains 
the long vowel. Thus 

qfo " drink thou," ftpRlf " to drink," iftWQT « to be drunk." 
TO " thread thou," T^RJ " to thread," ^T^HJ " to be threaded." 
Vfc " wash thou," ^R§" to wash," VtT^Pf " *> be washed." 

A similarly formed passive is used in the Marwari dialect of 
Hindi, spoken west of the Aravalli hills towards Jodhpur, and 
thus not very far from Sindh. Instances are — 

qptlft " to do," *0**Tl " to be done." 

^TRWt " to eat," l^ef\q|||f) " to be eaten." 

%Hft " to take," flR^raft " to be taken." 

^Djt " to give," f^O^IQfr " to be given." 

'WqiljY "to come," ^rffauft " to be come." 

Thus they say ?%^ ^pW^«nff= H. *JU%*lWl*Y*TnTT "by 
me it is not come," i.e. "I am not coming." ^t *J *wWhft *l^f 
= H. g*| % if^f WTm *rniTr " by you it will not be eaten," 
i.e. " you will not (be able to) eat it." This passive construc- 
tion is frequent in the Indian languages, but usually with the 
negative expressing that the speaker is unable or unwilling to 
do a thing. 1 The insertion of ^ instead of ^ in % and ^ is 
peculiar and unaccountable. 

Panjabi also has a synthetical passive, though rarely used. 
It is formed by adding ^ to the root, and is probably derived 
from that form of the Prakrit passive which ends in la, as 

1 I have to thank Mr. Kellogg, of Allahabad, author of the beet, if not of the 
only really good Hindi Grammar, for oommunicating this form to me in a letter. 
I was previously unaware of it 


mentioned above. This form of the passive is only used in a 
few tenses, thus *TR7TF " to beat," Passive present 9f JffO^I 
*' I am beaten," Future If mO^tll " I dull b® beaten," 
Potential (old present) If *JHH*U " I n^y ^ beaten." 

With these exceptions, there is no synthetic form for the 
passive in the modern languages. This phase is usually formed 
by an analytical process. It is not much used, the construction 
of sentences being more frequently reversed, so as to make the 
verb active. The large number of neuter verbs also renders 
a passive for the most part unnecessary. It does exist, how 
ever, and is formed by adding the verb ^fT "to go," to the 
past participle of the passive, JJT doing all the conjuga- 
tions! work, and the participle merely varying for number 
and gender. 

Thus from *TTT "beat," H. Sing. *TTTT 1T1T "to be beaten" 

*»»•> *iTTt *n*rr A Pfar. *rft srnrr »*., *nr1f *rroT/> P. *rrfr*w 

3TTCT #»., *u0/> Plur. *TTT m 'y M\(\v\f- Gujarati also uses this 
method side by side with the passive intransitive, as M\i\f W$ 
"to be beaten," with the participle varied for gender and 
number as in the others. M. 4U(\<4I TRif , B. M\\\ KTlft, 0. 
MiK\ twrT. In these two last the participle does not vary for 
gender or number. 

Occasionally in G. and M. a passive is formed by adding the 
substantive verb to the past participle, thus M. IJT^ WhsptfV 
flcfl "the cow was tied," and G. ^faf ^rsjf % "the book is 
made;" such a construction would in the other languages be 
incorrect, or, if used at all, would have a different meaning 

The use of STPTT " to go," to form a passive, seems somewhat 
unnatural ; ^tTT " to be," would occur as the most fitting verb 
for this purpose. I am tempted to hazard a conjecture that 
the use of STTCT in this way has arisen from the Prakrit passive 
form in ijja. This, as we have seen above, has given a regular 


passive to Sindhi and Marwari, and it seems possible that the 
masses who had quite forgotten, or had never known, the 
meaning of the added j y may unconsciously have glided into 
the practice of confounding it with the S| of the common word 
9(T, which would lead them to consider the verbal stem pre- 
ceding it as a passive participle. Thus a form *nfr3t " he is 
beaten," would easily pass into M\{\ WTH> as in modern Hindi. 
The process must, of course, have been unconscious, as all such 
processes are, but the supposition does not involve a more 
violent twisting of words and meanings than many others which 
are better supported by actual facts. 

The non- Aryan party have something to say on this head. 1 
They point out that the Dravidian languages, like our seven, 
largely avoid the use of the passive by having recourse to 
neuter verbs, and that with them, as with us, the neuter is 
often only another form of the same root as the active. Indeed, 
the similarity in this respect is very striking, the process is, to 
a great extent, the same in both groups, though the means em- 
ployed are different. The passive does not, strictly speaking, 
occur in the Dravidian languages ; a clumsy effort is sometimes 
made to produce one, by adding the verb padu " to happen " 
(Sanskrit VRI* modern Aryan TO) to an infinitive or noun of 
quality. This process, however, is as strained and foreign to 
elegant speech as the construction with Jd is in the Aryan 
group. It appears, also, that the verb poyu " to go/' is also 
used in Tamil to form a passive, as also a verb meaning "to 
eat," which latter is parallel to our North-Indian expression 
TIT WIT " to eat a beating" = "to be beaten." In this, as in 
so many other instances of alleged non- Aryan influence, the 
known facts do not justify us in saying more than that there is 
a resemblance between the two groups of languages, but that it 
is not clear which borrowed the process, or whether it was ever 

1 Caldwell, pp. 363, 364 (first edition). 


borrowed at all. There is no reason why it should not have 
grown up simultaneously and naturally in both families. 

§ 26. We now oome to the Causal, an important and much 
used phase of the verb. Sanskrit forms the causal by adding 
the syllable aya to the root, which often also takes guna or 
vriddhi, W "do," causal *K*jfa. There is, however, in 
Sanskrit a small class of verbs which form the causal by insert- 
ing ^between the root and the characteristic aya. These are 
principally roots ending in a vowel ; but in Pali and the Prakrits 
the form of the causal in H has been extended to a very large 
number of stems, in fact to nearly every verb in those lan- 
guages. In Pali, however, its use is optional, thus V*l^ 
" cook," causal p&cheti, p&chayati, pdchdpeti, pdchdpayati} In 
Prakrit, also, there are the two processes, by the first of which 
the aya of Sanskrit becomes e, thus QKtlffl = Pr. qn^, 
^m*lfa = fT%^ (Tar. vii. 26), and by the second the inserted 
His softened to ^, thus giving ^rTT^ or 4KI<K (#• 27). 
It is from this form, and not from aya f as I erroneously sup- 
posed in Vol. I. p. 20, that the modern causal arises. Even in 
Prakrit the e in k&r&vei is frequently omitted, as it is also in 
kdreiy and we 'find such forms as hdrai, tdrai, side by side with 
k&r&vdi (Weber, Hala, p. 60), so that there remains only dv 
for the modern causal. 

Among the modern languages Marathi stands alone in 
respect of its causal, and, as in so many other points, exhibits 
a hesitation and confusion which confirm the impression of its 
being a backward language which has not so thoroughly 
emancipated itself from the Prakrit stage as the others. 
Whereas these latter have passed through the period in which 
rival forms conflicted for the mastery, and have definitely 
settled upon one type to be used universally, the former pre- 

1 Kacc&yana, Senart, Journal Asiatique, voL xrii. p. 436. 


sents us with, several alternative suffixes, none of which appears 
to have obtained undisputed prominence. The authorities for 
Marathi consist of the classical writers, the one dictionary- 
maker, Molesworth, and a host of grammarians, all of whom 
differ among themselves, so that one is driven to ask, "who 
shall decide when doctors disagree P" 

The competing forms are : ava, iva, iva, avi, dva, dvi, and one 
sees at a glance that they are all derived from one source, the 
causal with x^ modified in Prakrit to ^. The difficulty lies in 
the vowels. Where one authority gives a causal in ava to a 
particular verb, another makes the causal of that same verb by 
adding iva, and so on. Stevenson (Marathi Grammar, p. 87) 
teaches that ava is the ordinary form, as basanen " to sit/ 9 ba- 
savanen " to seat." This type, however, he adds, is peculiar to 
the Konkan or lowlands along the coast; in the Dakhin or 
centre table land above the passes the form iva is more used, as 
karanen "to do," karivanen "to cause to do." A third form avi 
is said to be "of a middle class," and not characteristic of 
either dialect, as karavinen. It is to be noted here that the 
causal suffix, strictly speaking, ends with the v y and the vowels 
that follow this letter may fairly be regarded as mere junction 
vowels, used to add the terminations to the stem. In those of 
the cognate languages which use a as the causal suffix, the 
junction vowel used is either t, as B. kard-i-te, 0. kard-i-bd, 
S. kard-i-nu, or u, as Old-H. kard-u-nd, P. Aard-t#-nd, or 
hardened to va, as Gk kard-va-vun. Dismissing, then, the final 
vowel as unconnected with the suffix, we get for Marathi four 
types, av, dv, iv, iv. Of these four dv approaches most closely 
to the Prakrit, and may therefore be regarded as the original 
type from which, by a shortening of the vowel, comes av, 
which, all things considered, is perhaps the most common and 
regular ; a further weakening of the vowel produces iv ; and 
the fourth form, Iv, probably owes its long vowel to the 
Marathi habit of lengthening vowels at the end of a word, or 


in a syllable, where the stress or accent falls. Thus all four 
forms may be used, as 

*RTjf " to do," (H^iif, q^nraf* ifiFPfc *0i*if5 also qrc^ft%, 

»nd ^lOfaW " to cause to do." ' 

Causals may be formed from every verb in the language, 
whether neuter, active, active or passive intransitive. The 
meaning of the causal differs, of course, according to that of 
the simple verb. 

Those formed from simple neuters or active intransitives are 
generally merely actives in sense, as 

TO " «t, M *RPI " *«at." 

(ifcb " meet," f+tdb^f (junction vowel \) u mix." 

fSf^l " sleep," fr^ra " pnt to sleep," " soothe." 

Those from actives are causal in meaning, as 

3JIT " strike," JfTd " cause to strike." 
flpi " teach," flpPT " cause to teach." 

Those from passive intransitives are passive causals, as 

VhK " turn " (i.e. be turned), f^T^f " cause to be turned." 

be cut," *CZ^> 1ZTO "canse to be cut.' 

" be cut," tfCT> 1ZTO "canse to be cut." 

Simple roots ending in vowels insert a v between the stem 
and the suffix to avoid hiatus, as 

^3T "cat," WPTCT (junction vowel \) " cause to eat." 

So also with roots ending in ^, as 

ftH " write," f^nr^f " cause to write." 

The various forms of the causal suffix in Marathi may be 
regarded as types of a stage of transition which the other lan- 

1 Godbole's Marathi Grammar, p. 102, § 279. 


guages have passed by. The following are examples of the 
causal in these latter : 

ftp? " write," H. P. B. O. S. flRST " cause to write," (H. Pres. likhdtd, Prct 

likhdydy Aor. likh&e, or WcMy, or Wchfae.) 
VR " read," id. VRJ " cause to read." 

*P| " hear," id. WfX " cause to hear." 

In Hindi, as in the other languages, the causal of a neuter 
verb is, in effect, nothing more than an active, as 

^HT " *>« made," WWTOT " make." 

WfapTT " speak," TJWPTt " call " («'•*• " <» UB « to «peak.") 

*JWIT " move," ^WFfT " drive." 

9|| 4*11 u be awake," 4HII*V| " awaken." 

"3ZWT " rise," ^OTIT " raise." 

qqpfT " be cooked, 9 'Q^TTTT " cook." 

So also in the case of double verbs given in §§ 20, 21, the 
active form, with long vowel in the stem syllable, may be re- 
garded as a causal. In fact, it might be said, looking at the 
matter with reference to meaning, that the modern languages 
have two ways of forming the causal, one in which the short 
vowel of the stem is lengthened, the other in which & or some 
other suffix is added. Looking at it in another way with 
reference to form, the division which I have adopted commends 
itself, the forms with a long vowel in the stem being regarded 
as actives, those with the added syllable as causals. In point 
of derivation, however, both forms are causals. There is a 
wonderful, though unconscious, economy in our languages ; 
where Prakrit has more types than one for the same phase of 
a verb, the modern languages retain them all, but give to each 
a different meaning. For instance, Prakrit has three types for 
the passive, one in which the final consonant of the stem is 
doubled by absorption of the tt of Skr. as gamy ate = gammdi, 


a second in ia, as gamyate = gamiadi, and a third in yja, as 
gamyate=gam\jjadi. The first of these types, having lost 
whatever might remind the speaker of its passive character, 
has been adopted in the modern languages as the form of the 
simple neuter verb, the second survives in the Panjabi passive, 
as mdridd=mdriadi, the third in the Sindhi and Marwari pas- 
sive given in § 25. So, also, it seems to me that the two types 
of the Prakrit causal have been separately utilized ; that which 
corresponds to the Sanskrit type in aya with long or guna 
vowel in the stem, has become in the moderns an active verb, 
as hdrayati=hdrei=hdr ; trotayati=.torei — tor; while that 
which takes the x^ causal is preserved as the ordinary causal of 
the moderns, as kdrayati (kardpayati) = kardtei = hard. 

Often, however, both forms exist together, and there is little 
or no apparent distinction between them ; thus from Mid 1 ! I are 
made both XRTZTT and <44I*U> from ^iJT are made fTTTT and 
^^TfT, and so in many other instances. 

The causal, properly so called, namely, that with the suffix 
d, dv, etc., has always a short vowel in the stem syllable, ex- 
cept in a few instances where the stem vowel is vriddhi, in 
which case it is sometimes retained. Thus in the double verbs 
the causal suffix may be regarded as added to the neuter form, 
as in 



In such cases, however, we more commonly find the double or 
passive causal. 

Single verbs with a long or guna stem- vowel have causals 
with the corresponding short or simple vowel, as in the 
examples ^falT and ^UTTT, WRTT and SRTfT given above. 

Verbs whose simple stems end in a vowel insert a semivowel 
before the termination of the causal, and change the vowel of 
the stem, if d, i, or e, into «, if ik or o, into u. The semivowel 


used is sometimes ^ or T^, but more commonly Wl. Thus, %HT 
" to take/ 4 fWTPrr " to cause to take," but — 

H. ^«TT " gfr«»" f^TTTT " cause to give." 

qftlfT " l»ve, w foWII " cause to live.*' 

tfNT " drink," from " give to drink." 

W11T " cat," 1WRT " feed." 

VfaT " wash,** WTTTT " cause to wash." 

^aftfT " sleep," igWRT " P«t to sleep." 

^ffT "weep," ^STPfT " make to weep." 

In a few cases of stems ending in ^, or in aspirates, the if is 
optionally inserted, as 

H. *f*n " «ay," *HTWT and ^SfWRT " cause to say," 

"be called." 
^RT"see," fSpBTPfT » fip9WRT"»h< 

^QRT " learn," fWTCT ,» ft^WTTTftea 

^rr«Bit, M fW3PfT(orV) » f*raHT»n ft ) " seat" 

A similar method exists in Sindhi, but with ^ instead of W, 
as is customary with that language, as 1 

f%^nr " give," ft*IK^ " cause to give." 

^^m " leak," V^l^n " cause to leak." 

f*n^[ " sit," ftfJT^I " seat" 

f^ra " learn," fty<9K4 " teach." 

^ra " rise," UUH^UI " raise." 

^pFOTT " sleep," 4J+HK<9 " P ut to sleep." 

Here the ^ is inserted after the causal suffix, and this was 
probably the method originally in force in Hindi, for we find 
in the mediaeval poets such words as dikhdrnd " to show," and 
even in modern colloquial usage baithdlnd is quite as common 

i Trumpp, Sindhi Grammar, p. 256. 




as bithldnd. Gujarati forms its causal in an analogous way, 
but uses nf instead of ^, as 

VPTJ " suck," \|4|vja " give suck." 

iffart " sew," ^^1^4 " cause to sew." 

^Pt$ " sound," 441^3 " strike " (a beU, etc.) 

After words ending in a vowel, the suffix takes ff to prevent 
hiatus, and so also after f , as 

*TT faf) " be," *RT¥$ " cause to be." 

*T$ " eat," Wl^ " feed." 

^rf " give," ^C||>f 4 " cause to give." 

%rt "endure," 4) 14143 "cause to endure." 

*tl3 " rot," ^fff^TTJ " cause to rot." 

This language, like Hindi, also reverses the position of the 
long vowel of the causal suffix, and uses such forms as dhavardv, 
khavardv, with change of ng to ^. 

There is nothing remarkable about the Panjabi causal, which 
is identical with Old Hindi, merely retaining the junction 
vowel u, as khild-u-nd, dikhd-u-nd. In both these languages 
the old form du has, in a few instances, changed to o instead 
of d, as 

fipft*VT " to wet," from *ffapTT " to be wet." 
VJftf|T " to drown," „ yPH " t° be drowned." 

Bengali and Oriya have only the causal form in d with 
junction vowel i, as B. kar&-i-te, 0. kard-i-bd, and use this 
form in preference to that with the long stem vowel, even in 
those causals which are, in meaning, simple actives. 

There are thus, independently of the stem with the long or 
guna vowel, which I prefer to treat as an active, two separate 
systems of forming the causal in the seven languages : one 
starting from the Prakrit causal in dve, and exhibiting the 
forms dva, ava, iva, tea, dv, du, o, d ; the other starting, I know 
vol. in. 6 


not whence, but probably from a method in use in early Aryan 
speech, which has only been preserved by the classical lan- 
guage in a few instances, and exhibiting the forms dr, Ad, 
dl, rd } Id. Whether these two forms are connected by an in- 
terchange between the two semivowels / and t>, is a problem 
which must remain for future research. Such a connexion is 
not impossible, and is even, in my opinion, highly probable. 

§ 27. The Passive Causal may be also called the double 
causal. The use of either term depends upon the point of view 
of the speaker* for whether I say, " I cause R&m to be struck 
by Shy&m," or, "I cause Shyftm to strike BAm," the idea is the 
same. As regards form, the term double causal is more ap- 
propriate in some languages. In H. and P. this phrase is con- 
structed by adding to the stem H. *rT, P. *fys, in which we 
should, I think, recognize the syllable dv of the single causal 
shortened, and another dv added to it, thus from mn "hear," 
comes causal mnd, "cause to hear," "tell," double causal sunvd, 1 
"cause to cause to hear," "cause to tell ;" here, as sund is from 
the fuller form sundv, so sunvd is from sun&v+&v=8unav+& = 
sunvd. This double or passive causal is in use mostly with 
neuter and active intransitive stems, whose single causal is 
naturally an active, as ^ififT "be made," *pnfT "make," 
qqqi*H " cause to be made." Thus they say, ifl WRIT " The 
fort is being built ; " tRf^ T¥ WfPTT " The architect is build- 
ing the fort ;" and TTHIT ^Wt; % ^TTT T¥ fTCTniT "The king 
is causing the fort to be built by the architect." In this last 
sentence, and in all similar phrases, the nature of the construc- 
tion is such that we can only translate it by the passive causal, 
we could not render " The king causes the architect to build, 
etc., by VTCTTT in any other way than by putting "architect 


1 Generally, the semivowel in this form is pronounced softly, almost like the 
English w, so that sunwdnd would more nearly represent the sound than sunvdnd. 
The v, however, in all Indian languages is a softer sound than our v. 


in the ablative with fl^<J or %. When we are told, therefore, 
that this phase means "to cause to do" (the action of a neuter 
verb), the assertion, though correctly expressing the form, is 
incorrect as to the meaning ; the dictionary-makers here halt 
between two opinions. Thus 

^37 " rise," *tt\ " raise " (i.e. " cause ^77*TT " cause to be raised " 

to rise "), (i.e. "cause A to cause 

B to rise*). 
^TC " be cut," qSTZ " cut," TC4T " cause to cut." 

Vf| "be open," ^ft^f " opeu," ^S^RIT " cause to open." 

In double verbs, like those just quoted, however, the single 
causal in d may be used, as *RZT " cause to cut." As a general 
rule, the exact meaning of stems in this phase must be gathered 
from the sentence in which they are used. 

Sindhi makes its double causal by inserting rd (Trumpp, 
267), as 

t^^" be weary," f^ftrf " make weary,tire," fqv||4J "cause to make 


"€|T u wound," MI4J "cause to wound," MK14J " cause to cause to 

wound, or cause (another) 
to be wounded." 

Stack instances also passive causals formed on the same 
model as ordinary passives, thus 

3HI " be on fire," ?JTO " burn,* JJTTT " cause to burn, TrTOT^I " be caused 

to be burnt" 

One example given by him shows a full range of phases, as 
^TRlg "to be sucked, to issue" (as milk from the breast), 
neuter ; ^TTTW " to suck the breast," active ; VT^TO " to be 
sacked," pass. ; VTfaPWF " to give suck," neut. pass. ; ^IKIf^ 
" to suckle," caus. ; VKI^^Jj " to be suckled," pass. caus. ; 


VTTTCfCT " t° cause (another) to suckle, " doubte cans. ; 
VTTTTT13W " to cause to be suckled by another," double pass, 
caus. The whole of these forms, however, are rarely found in 
one verbal stem. The double causal is common enough, thus 
from the causals mentioned in the last section are derived 
double causals — 

41+fT^Q "to put to sleep, 9 f|4-f I4JI/H " to cause to pat to sleep." 
^m^I " to raise," ^CTTnTO "to cause to raise * (H. U43|4||). 

§ 28. Although the suffixed syllables shown in § 26 generally 
and regularly indicate the causal phase, yet there are numerous 
verbs having this suffix which are neuter, active intransitive, 
or passive intransitive. As mentioned in § 11, these stems are 
probably built on the model of Sanskrit denominatives, and 
owe their long vowel to the aya or dya of that form. Hence 
they come to resemble in form modern causals. 

In Sindhi these stems have a development peculiar to that 
language, and have a corresponding active phase like the double 
stems mentioned in § 19. Trumpp gives (p. 252, et seqq.) the 
following examples : 


<4fJ|4JIH " to be extinguished," UUIfQI " to extinguish." 

^HRTJ " to fly," ^fTTTJ " to make fly, to spend. 

^ ,H ^ < " to be born," *HfoJ " to bring forth. 



$TOg « to be satiated," ?TT^ " to satiate." 

^rrxm " to be on fire," WHRJ " to burn." 

' f " to be contained," IPTO" to contain." 

fqflJJUJ "to be passed, to pass " fqf \\^ " to pass the time." 
(as time), 

flJ|4JIH " to grow less," tHIl^ " to lessen." 


In this group the neuter stems have the type dpa and dma, 
which, if we regard them as derived from the Prakrit type Abe 
of the causal, will appear as respectively a hardening and a 
softening of the b of Prakrit. In some cases the neuter form 
is clearly derived from the older causal, as in Tn^J " to con- 
tain," rather, "to go into," Skr. VKt "to measure;" but 
*rnTO, Skr. caus. JJIMtlflT "to cause to measure," where, by a 
natural inversion of the sense, the causal has become neuter. 
In the case of ^ntRjr the process by which the meaning has 
been arrived at from Sanskrit V^J^ is less clear. The other 
stems are also obscure, and I possess no data on which to 
establish any satisfactory explanation. 

Sindhi stands alone in respect of this group; Hindi and 
Panjabi have a number of neuter stems with causal termina- 
tions, which stand on a different footing, and recall by their 
meaning the Sanskrit denominatives, having no corresponding 
active forms, 

H. fcWIII " to be abashed," " to shrink away." 
f^RTPIT " to be worn out." 
^JrepiT " to itch." 

fclJKJJJI " to be agitated," " to be in fear " P. H*(4J*4IQ1* 
%|J||J|| " to bask in the sun." 
*Hq|tM " to tremble," " to be unsteady." P. id. 

P. tKQIWIM "to grow 
soft" (a scar). 
3+f4||*1T " to wither," to grow flaccid." P. id. 

In words of this class, also, a syllable ^T is often inserted, as 

fidftl«U*ll "to grin." P. fafaWWUIfc*. 

This type is evidently closely connected with the passive of 
Gujarati and other dialects given in § 24, which I have been 
led by the considerations here mentioned to regard as a passive 


intransitive. It seems also to be connected with the passive 
intransitive in B. in such passages as TTfipi ^ ^JJ ITOl 
^TRT^T I "He must be a king's son, by his appearance 
and marks (of birth) it is known" — Bharat, B.-S. 378, 
where Jdndy =z jdnde, "it appears," "it is evident," a con- 
struction exactly parallel to the Gujarati phrases quoted in 

Marathi has similarly neuters with a causal type, which 
recall the method of formation of the Sanskrit denominative, 
inasmuch as they are referred by the grammarians to a nominal 
origin, thus — 

^mrr " * cracking or crashing sound ; " ^FCTrTPplf " to crack, 
crash ;" <A4<fl|quf " to roar at," "to make a crashing noise." 
TOH (from Persian fi "deficient^^ "to grow le.. - 

^PTJBK^ "a grating sound," ^RC*V^Tf^Hfr "to grind the teeth." 
qrtaT (Skr.) " doubt," qHqmifqi | | f " to be doubtful." 

— but this may also be formed from the two words ^t "why?" 
^RTT "how ? " and would thus mean " to why-and-how," "to hum 
and ha;" just as they use in Urdu the phrase \j< J^L i^^T 

"to prevaricate," literally to make "would that!" and "per- 

A distinction may apparently be drawn in many cases be- 
tween forms in dm and those in dvi, the former being rather 
denominatives, and as such neuter, while the latter are causala. 
Thus from ^ftT^T " little," " few," qK*iq<$ " to grow less," 
and ^ftT^nt^f " to make less," but the authorities accessible 
to me are not agreed about this point, and I therefore hesitate 
to make any definite assertion on the subject. Molesworth 
gives, for instance, T^nT^f n, "to bellow," "bluster," and 
^Qlpfljf " to frighten by bellowing ; " also T^Tlft " the act 
of roaring at," from ^<|fauf or T^f^f "to intimidate," where 


the t of the infinitive seems to be represented by a in the 

On the other hand, the close connexion of these neuters with 
the passive type is seen in S., where the passive characteristic 
TO i used, according to Stack, convertibly with the neuter, 
having the short vowel. Thus yn^J or £|{4|iy " to be satiated ; " 
while there are also verbs of two forms, one with the neuter 
type, the other with the causal type, but both having a neuter 
sense, as fVTO and ft4j|W " to grow loose or slack." 

Further examples are — 

ipnff and f)fl|4IUI " to grow less ; " also f)l||4{lff " to decrease." 
I)4lf4|<n and fjflfcJIUI' " to fade," " tarnish." 
<RTra and J||f4W " to be contained in." 

It is not certain how far later and better scholars like 
Trumpp would confirm the accuracy of Stack's definition. He 
seems to be somewhat inaccurate and careless in drawing the 
distinction between the various phases of the verb. 

§ 29. Secondary verbs are not so numerous as secondary 
nouns, and those that exist have, for the most part, a familiar 
or trivial meaning. They are formed by the addition of a 
syllable to the verbal stem, or to a noun. This latter feature is 
espeoially common in H. verbs formed from feminine nouns in 
aha (Vol. II. p. 31), thus Behari IAL 

" The splendour of childhood has not ceased, (yet) youth shines in 

the limbs."— Sats. 17. 

Here the substantive ipirai "glitter," "splendour " (probably 
formed from V BBflf), gives rise to a verb IfW^RT " to shine." 
Similarly all the nouns quoted in the passage referred to in 
"VoL II. have verbs formed from them as there stated. It is un- 


necessary to give a list of them, and it may be here observed 
that in languages which, like English, have advanced far into 
the analytical stage, great freedom of formation exists, so that 
many words may be used either as nouns or verbs. Many 
nouns have, in common usage, verbal terminations added to 
them, and thus become verbs. We see constantly in modern 
English, French, and German, new verbs thus formed, as, for 
instance, by adding -ize, -iser, or -kiren, as colonize, coloniser, 
colonmren, several of which have not found their way into 
dictionaries. The same is the case with our Indian languages, 
and it is impossible here to follow or set forth all these con- 
stantly arising innovations. Those which have received the 
sanction of literature will be found in the dictionaries, and 
many more will probably be admitted to the dictionaries of the 
future, if the authors of those works are wise enough to keep 
pace with the actual growth of language, and do not permit an 
overstrained purism to prohibit them from truly recording the 
language as it exists in their day. 

I will content myself with giving a few examples of this 
class of verbs from Marathi, which, as I have before noticed, is 
very rich in forms of this kind. This language has secondary 
stems formed by the addition of TC> "TC, ^TZ, ^TI, ^35, ^35, 
*WK> a series the items of which seem to indicate a progressive 
softening from some earlier type. Thus— 

^TTCIlit " to rub " (Skr. y/ ^TO)» secondary stems Wflf&l)f "nib," tRT^F 
" slip/' WW£* i f (a potential form) " graze the skin," " be practised in " 
(an art or science), WTC% "scour" (pots), MI*UUl' a, "rub off, 
deface," «, " be rubbed," " be despoiled of." Analogous is H. ^NJftTTT 

apTljf "to sink" (rarely used), ^frftf, >jf°> ^°» "to splash about 
in the water," WW^f *«*., TWif'flf " to plunge into water," (causal) 
" to dip." 


^Tfcr " place," ^rtTT^f " *° arrange." 

WHI " pat," ^TTTC^f " to pat," ^TW*lf " to back water," " to steady 
a vessel by short strokes of ttie oars while working the sails." 

^Hl "stick," tf^tty "to press, punish," ^MUJ "to compress," ^4iqu{ 
" to stiffen," compare B. TtTIX^ " to stand ap." 

Materials are, unfortunately, deficient, so that in the present 
state of research, no thorough analysis can be made. Nor can 
any definite separation into classes be effected. As so many 
verbs of this kind, however, are derived from nouns, the course 
to be pursued would probably be to affiliate each group of verbs 
to that formation of nouns with which it corresponds, verbs 
which add qj to the primary stem being regarded as formed 
from nouns in ^j, and so on. In this method no further ex- 
planation is required for secondary verbs, as the origin of the 
afformative syllable has been explained under the noun. Thus 
the secondary verbs, whose added syllable is at, or vat, are ex- 
plained under nouns so ending in Vol. II. p. 65, those having 
al, al, or cognate forms, are referable to the nouns in Vol. II. 
p. 90, and so on. 

§ 30. Reduplicated and imitative verbal stems are very 
common. The former usually express sounds, or motions, 
while both frequently partake of the denominative character 
and type. 

In Hindi the second syllable usually contains the same con- 
sonants and vowels as the first, and the question arises whether 
the first or the second of the two syllables is the original, in 
other words, whether reduplication is effected by prefixing or 
affixing a syllable. The following examples show that the re- 
duplicated syllable, whichever it be, contains, as a rule, the 
same vowel as the original. 

(a) with a. 

^r£V£PIT " to knock, pat, rap," from <4d<gd n.f. onomatopcea. 


<44<44I*H " to clatter, rattle, jar;" from WW »•/• onomatopcea. 
W^R^PIT " to bubble, simmer," » 

ISW^WTOT " to ramble " (of bowels, Gk. teopKopvyio), {topfJopvfr), 

1f*lf 1*11 "to quiver," probably connected with Iflg q.d. "to be 

seized and shaken." 
V4I44I|J|T " to mutter, murmur." 
JJtU*! 1 !! " to flap, flop," from m^TT " to fall off." 
IJUIfJUIMI " to tinkle, jingle, clank," Skr. f|l[|IJ41* 
IJ^njWTTT " to glitter, glare, throb," Skr. qE|<|l? 
Mi^Mi^MI "to flatter, twitch," Skr. W^? 
^^fr^PfT " to tremble, quiver," probably onomatop. 

(£) with *. 

f^Wf^WTTt " to giggle, chuckle, titter," onomatop. 

fj|^fl|4|f||' " to quiver, waver " (the voice in supplication), dimly 

traceable to Skr. 5}, *ftf7T? 
fMUlfmiHIl "to turn sick at," from f%RH "disgust," Skr. ^HT; 

there are also verbs f%|(U|€||V|l, fanftfT **"* PMIMI- 
f^f^RTTWr " to squeak," onomatop. 

f^TftjTRT " to rave, rage, scold." 
\l\l*\\* \ \ "to twang," onomatop. 

(7) with'i*. 

l^M^MHI " to envy, be spiteful," perhaps from Skr. ^R? through 

H. ^PIT an< ^ ^TTT " to pierce." 
^foptTTT " to mutter." 

wreTTTvrr " to be silent, to move about quietly," from Wf " silent." 
^IWHTfT " to itch, tickle." 
{J*!lfl^l*H " to be soft or squashy." 


IMfMIJfT "to whisper," onomatop. 
V^ir^JlTf " to powder, sprinkle." 

The above exhibit the ordinary type of this class, in which 
both syllables are the same. In some cases, where the root- 
syllable ends in a nasal, the first syllable of the reduplicated 
word softens the nasal to anusw&ra, as in J]j|fU«H, *N*H*II "to 
throb," and even with ^f , as ^Htmil " to be unsteady," where 
the reduplication takes place already in Sanskrit ^^3f. From 
the analogy of this last word we may conclude that the latter 
of the two syllables is the original one, and that reduplication 
has been effected by prefixing a syllable. There is, however, 
another class of such words, in which the second syllable differs 
from the first in the initial consonant, which, for some reason, 
is generally a labial. Thus side by side with 4g4<d4|*||, 
^repSWTOT are found *3<^R£TTT and ^9*HTWRT with the same 
meaning. So also ^pf^JWRT and ^J^pTRT, the latter with 
the different, though allied, meaning of being restless or 
fidgety. In other examples there is some slight difference of 
meaning in the various forms, thus from ^^, which has the 
general sense of moving, come the adjectives ^K^KT " talkative," 
*HM<I "acrid, pungent," *KH<J "active," *m<J "expert, 
alert," whence the verbs *|<t|<ji|| " to crackle, to sputter, to 
scold," *HM4,WI "to smart," ^iiKI+H "to shake, swing," 
<q<*Kr*M " to speak plausibly, to wheedle." Other instances 

Qj£IJ£|4|| " to toss, tumble, flounder." 
¥J^f44l+ll " to be on fire." 
ffl^r^^M l " to flicker." 
TT^fTPTT " to flutter." 
RkRKH I " to dazzle, glisten." 
TOTCTCT" to stagger." 

" to stammer, stutter." 


In Panjabi, as also to a great extent in other languages, 
there is a tendency to use a reduplicated substantive with an 
ancillary verb, rather than a reduplicated verb itself. These 
substantives are, to a large extent, imitative or onomatopoetic, 
as ^Sf *Sf 4K*ll " to bang, to pop," expressing the sound of a 
gun going off, ^ ^ ^R^n " to pipe," as young birds. It has, 
however, a large number of the same words, as Hindi. Of 
these, the following may be cited : frjfr^l^UII " to prate, 
sputter," fa^fiumq r " to smart," HjH^I^UII and ^TJST* 
"to flutter," UUmm^mi "to tingle" as the limbs when be- 

In Sindhi, also, I find reduplicated nouns, but few, if any, 
verbs, and the language does not appear to be rich even in 
those. From W^R[ "blaze," comes m(<U|{ll<y "to blaze;" 
and a few more may be found, but the large group given in 
Hindi, to which many more might have been added, is either 
not existent or not recorded. 

Gujarati is fuller in this respect, as 48444$ and 4i444l4 
"to rattle," also ^TTCI$; TC*TC* "to fret," ^ureHT$ "to 
throb, smart," (gUl^dl^ "to c ^ n ^> clank," also ||1||f|<ir4 ; 
(MMtfj "to flap, to scold," and Mr4ifc4l4; ¥14*144 "to shake, 
rock." In its vocabulary Gujarati agrees in the main with 

As might be expected from the genius of Marathi, there is 
a great variety of such verbs, more even than in Hindi. In 
examining only the first consonant of the alphabet, numerous 
formations of this kind are observed. Thus from WPff for Skr» 
WW " fatigued," by prefixing a shortened form *t, they make 
^Hlttfif " to be distressed, to starve," and 44ifl3f " to worry, 
harass." From the onomatop. "qpq "brawl," "noise," "row," 
comes first a reduplicated noun qpq^r^, and then qraPTCltf " to 
gnash the teeth," 4^4 HUf "to screech," %^4<lj|f "to slip, give 
way with a noise." With a second syllable added, beginning 


(as we have seen in H.) as such syllables often do with a labial, 
is the imitative substantive qTOTC expressive of " squashing," 
" muddling of soft substances/' also of " things grating on the 
ear," or "being gritty in the mouth," whence q^praT (from 
mtPllif) "to dabble with mud," "to stir," "to finger," 
which, from a sort of remembrance of H35 "dirt," is often 
changed into i|*|4ldbW "to make a mess by dabbling." 
Another imitative syllable, which it is not necessary to regard 
as formally derived from Sanskrit JS^ "cut," or from WS 
"trouble," though the existence of these words has probably 
led the native mind in that direction, is WS expressive of 
" teasing, quarrelling;" whence 4d44Uf "to wrangle, tease 
by squabbling," " to make harsh or cracking sounds." Allied 
to this is the word tff^m expressive of "the snapping of 
little things," whence WWW&$[, which may be generally 
rendered "to go kadkad," that is, "to crash, crack, peal, to 
squabble, to hiss and bubble as hot water, oil," etc., also, " to 
be violently angry." Perhaps connected with this is ^RPHpif 
" to be feverish, to glow, ache," which, from some remembrance 
of l?fc "breaking," is also pronounced 4144ft 4 (jf. In these 
outlying words, the irregular cavalry of language, forms melt 
into one another, like a cloud of Pandours or Cossacks hovering 
on the outskirts of an army, bound by no law, and disregard- 
ing all the acknowledged tactics. A list here follows : 

f "to be feverish," from TOf and 4|U|4|I||' " feverishness," 
" heat and throbbing," " cramp." 
44/| <Jjf " to caw " (as a crow), from 4K*H " cawing* or any other 
harsh sound. 

' to glow with heat, to be qualmish" (as the stomach), from 
Hkfo4kb a word meaning " all sorts of disorders brought on 
by heat, or rage," possibly connected with Sanskrit qflTg 
" dispute." 


^RGRRnif "to ache, shudder, palpitate," from C|4J44J " pains and 

JkfoJJcfolif the same as ^|3o^db^f. 
^kdb^idbQf " to writhe, yearn." 
fo^fa-qu)* " to chatter " (as a monkey), from Pl*lft|W " any gritty 

or sharp clacking sound." 
npnj^f "to whisper, mutter, murmur," from M|$lf "low, soft 


Under other letters the following may be quoted : 

H^fl4Uf " to go to work smartly," from fJ4¥J€ " smartly, quickly," 
connected with IJZ> which in all the languages means 
" quick !"" look sharp ! * 

||l||gJI||4J? " to tinkle, tingle, ring." 

ffdblJdbW " to glitter, sparkle." 

gHfHIlf " to trickle, ooze, pine away." 

IHMi<% " to twitch, flutter." 

f^n^n^ " to sting, be pungent." 

In Bengali such forms are less common, it is by nature the 
language of a poor scanty population, and when Bengal became 
rich and populous, new ideas were expressed by borrowing 
from Sanskrit, instead of forming new words from the existing 
resources. There are numerous reduplicated nouns, but these 
are verbalized rather by adding the verb kar, than by making 
a new verb. Thus, where M. makes a verb jhanjhananen, B. 
prefers to say ipf ipi or IpipY ^f^?f. The following are a 
few examples : 

nnn^ " to buzz, growl." 
ttpifipi Wf^ " to blaze, glitter." 
^TClf 1° " to throb, ache." 
feMfemV i " to fidget, twitch." 


qp « to backbite or quarrel mutually." 
3^T<piT *° " to rap, tap." 
TOTT0 1° " to sparkle, shine." 
V^ufX^ "to quiver, tremble, shake." 
){JQ+imif^ " to buzz, hum." 
VHEiWn^ " &> murmur, whisper." 

Many of these words are, as it has been seen, onomatopoetic, 
and in a language so unfixed as Bengali, it is impossible to say 
how many are really admitted into the proper stock of the 
language, and how many are mere local or individual peculi- 
arities. Thus Bharat Chandra adorns, or disfigures, his poems 
by innumerable fanciful words of this sort, which probably no 
one but he ever used, and which he has merely invented for the 
occasion, e.g. 

H^in*! *y Ttnn ^35 1 

"The bracelets go jhanjhan ! the anklets go ran ran ! 
Ohunu ghunu goes the girdle of bells." — B.-S. 299. 

The remarks made about Bengali apply equally to Oriya, in 
which there is not any very extended use either of reduplicated 
or onomatopoetic nouns or verbs. 

§ 31. Occasional mention has been made in the foregoing 
sections of some of the stems used in the Gipsy verb. That 
strange, wandering, low-caste people has, however, picked up 
many of its words from Iranian and Slavonic, as well as 
from non- Aryan sources. But true to the original instincts 
of its race, it has retained Aryan stems for its most common 
words, only adopting new words to express the few new ideas 
which, in spite of its nomad unsociable life, have been forced 
upon it by circumstances. 

Rejection of initial h occurs in many words, as as&va " to 


laugh," Skr. VffHt even when the initial h has arisen from an 
earlier aspirated letter, as in uvdva "to become, " Skr. ^nt, 
Pr. ^t. An a is also prefixed to roots, as arakdva " to guard, 
to find," Skr. Vfyi, H. X^RT; and in the impersonal verb 
a/rdttihtar "it is night," Skr. "<jfa. As might be expected, 
however, the Prakrit or modern form of verbal stems is that 
generally adopted. Thus katdva "to spin," H. ^rnPfT, kerdva 
"to do," H. <SR1[*IT, kindva "to buy," Skr. V'jft, H. *JV*RT, 
ghoshdva " to clean," Skr. V^Q, H. (\|4JI1I " to rub," but W* 
might give a Pr. Tg^, whence this word, also pronounced kho- 
shdva. Kovliovdva, from kovlo uvdva, Skr. qhTOT> with ^ " to 
be," "to be soft;" khdnj'iovdva, from khdnj uvdva, "to scratch, to 
itch," Skr. ^RS " itch," H. WR, I^Nft- Khdsiovdva, also 
khdsdva, "to cough," Skr. V iflHi, but H. ^TfcPfT* Khanddva 
"to dig," Skr. VWl> khdva " to eat," Skr. v'lSTf , Pr. *&T, H. 
id., but the nomads of northern Rumelia use a form khaderdva, 
which preserves the d of Sanskrit. Khtniovdva for khino uvdva, 
Skr.. f^ff with ^t " to be fatigued." 

There are three very similar verbs which illustrate the 
principle of stem-formation in this language well ; gheddva " to 
assemble," gheldva " to bring," ghendva " to count." The last 
of these three reminds us of Skr. V^H, H. fiRWT, for the gh 
is only so written to secure the g being pronounced hard ; the 
p.p. is ghendo, Skr. *TftPT ; gheddva is apparently for ghen ddva, 
the latter word meaning "to give," and being added as an 
ancillary, just as ^TT is in EL, so that ghen ddva = H. fipj ^*IT» 
Its p.p. is ghedino, and that of ddva is dino, Pr. f^uft, Old-H. 
^*^T and ^VfT, which confirms this derivation. Similarly, 
gheldva is ghen Idva, where Idva means "to take," H. 5j*rT From 
these two examples, it would appear that the ghe of gheddva and 
gheldva is not connected with ghendva, but is Skr. VUf, Pr. 

Strange perversions of meaning occur, as might be expected, 
thus chalavdva, Skr. V^IT, EL ^TORT, should mean "to cause to 


move," H. ^n^TT- It means, however, "to beat," thus/4, dik 
kon chal&vela o vuddr, " Go, see who knocked at the door ! " 
This is singularly close to the Indian languages. We might 
say in H. j&, dekh kon chal&ya dwdr ko. The confusion between 
the two meanings of Skr. V^CK. i fl apparent here also. In Skr. 
^ and ^ir mean " to move," and the former, by a natural 
transition, is used also of cattle grazing. In H. they are kept 
apart, ^PTT meaning " to move," and ^TT " to graze." In 
Gipsy chardva " to eat," makes its p.p. chalo, the causal chara- 
vdva is "to lead out cattle to pasture," and a neuter verb 
chdriovdva or chaliovdva "to be satiated." Again, chalardva "to 
be satiated with," p.p. chalardo " full," " satisfied." 

Frequently, as in the Indian languages, a primitive verb is 
wanting, and its place supplied by a compound, thus they say, 
chumi ddva "to kiss," Skr. V^W, H. ^TfL but the Gipsy is 
= ^H ^IT. So, also, chungdr d&va "to spit," probably to be 
referred to Skr. v^^ft^, and connected with H. t(fo, M. iffa 

" sneeze." 

Under ^ occur words familiar to us in India, as Jandva " to 
know," Skr. ^ X[\, H. «HW; fa™ "to go," Skr. ^/jr, H. *TTT, 
with its old-Tadbhava p.p. gelo, B. ifar, H. faRJT, T^T; Jangdva 
"to awaken," Skr. V^TT, H. ^RTfl, *&& the neuter jangdnio- 
vdva, H. 3TRR7T ft*TT, WRRT; jivdva "to live," Skr. V*ft^, H. 
*fNTT, 3lt*!T, p.p./tfxfo, Skr. qftfTC- 

Under j{ we find tavdva " to cook," Skr. jp^ p.p. tavdo, Skr. 
TTrfSnr, alfi o tatto "hot," Pr. jpr, Skr. 7TH, H. IHTT. Con- 
nected with this probably are tdp ddva, tdv ddva, "to beat," 
where Skr. Tfyq, H. 7(m , has passed over from the meaning of 
heat through that of vexation into that of beating. The neuter 
is tabiovdva or tqpiovdva "to be burnt," as in le&kert sheresU 
tdbiolas 8hamddn "at his head burnt a candle." A more 
modern form with the characteristic I of the p.p. in M. G. B. 
and 0. is tablo " hot." A derivative is tabardva (a causal) " to 

cause to burn." 

▼ol. in. 7 


It is apparent, from these examples, which might be in- 
definitely increased, that the base of Gipsy verbal stems is the 
Prakrit, in its earlier as well as its more modern forms : that 
the phases of the Indian verb are also fairly represented ; that 
the practice of using ancillaries is also not unknown; and 
that thus this wild and wandering race has carried with it, 
wherever it has gone on the face of the earth, the principles 
and sentiments of speech formation whicfi. it inherits from the 
land of its birth, the deserts of the Indus and the Chenab. 



CONTENTS.—} 32. Classification of Tenses.— § 33. The Simple Pbesent 
ob Aobist. — $ 34. The Imperative. — § 36. The Future in Old Hindi 


§ 37. Synopsis of the Simple Tenses in all Seven Languages.—} 38. 
Simple Tenses in the Gipsy Verb. 

§ 32. The preceding Chapter has dealt only with the stem, 
or that part of the verb which remains unchanged throughout 
all moods and tenses ; we have now to consider the processes 
used to express the various relations which the idea involved in 
the stem is capable of undergoing. 

The tenses of the modern verb fall naturally into three 
classes or grades, and it is surprising that so patent a fact 
has not been noticed by any of the grammar- writers. It is 
impossible to give, as some writers do, a fixed number for the 
tenses in any of our languages, for the combinations are almost 
infinite; but a broad, general classification would, one might 
suppose, have suggested itself to the most mechanical compiler. 
The grammar-writers, however, including even authors so 
superior to the general run as Trumpp and Kellogg, have been, 
for the most part, led away by giving their attention, in the 
first place, if not exclusively, to the meanings of the various 
tenses. This practice has led them to lose sight of the primary 
idea as evolved out of the structure of each tense. Had the 
structure been first considered, it would have been easy to dis- 
cover which of the many conventional senses of a given tense 


was its primary and legitimate one, and by adhering to this 
process, a more simple and natural classification of tenses would 
have been arrived at. 

Kellogg does, indeed, clearly grasp the principles of the 
structure of the Hindi verb, but he is too metaphysical in 
his considerations about the meaning of each tense, and has 
adopted a phraseology which cannot but prove bewildering to 
the student, and which scientific linguists are not likely to 

In Sindhi Trumpp divides the verb into simple and com- 
pound tenses. The simple present is by him called the 
Potential, though he is well aware of the fact that it is really 
the old Sanskrit present indicative, and in his philological 
notes duly recognizes the fact. His classification is sufficient 
for Sindhi, though it would hardly cover all the tenses in the 
cognate languages. As usual, he is, in this respect, much in 
advance of all other grammar- writers on the modern languages. 
In the Grammars of Gujarati, Marathi, and Oriya, the same 
distinction between simple and compound tenses is preserved, 
though in many cases erroneously worked out. 

It appears to me, however, that for purposes of comparison 
between all the languages of this group, a finer distinction still 
is required, and I would suggest a threefold division, which it 
will be my business in the following pages to substantiate and 
describe in detail 

First, there are the simple tenses, — exact modern equivalents 
of corresponding tenses in the Sanskrit and Prakrit verb, whose 
form is due to the ordinary processes of phonetic change and 
development, and in which the old synthetic structure, though 
very much abraded, is still distinctly traceable. 

Secondly, the participial tenses, formed from participles of 
the Sanskrit verb, used either alone, or with fragments of the 
Sanskrit substantive verb, worked into and amalgamated with 
them so as to form in each case one word only. In the latter 


case these tenses have a pseudo-synthetical appearance, though 
the principle on which they are formed is really analytical. 

Thirdly, compound tenses, in which the base is a participle 
with an auxiliary verb added to it, but not incorporated into it, 
each person of each tense thus consisting of two words in juxta- 

A further development of the analytical system produces the 
large class of verbs with ancillaries, in which the master-stem, 
so to call it, remains unchanged, and the ancillary does all the 
work of conjugation. Each of these classes will now be con- 
sidered in its turn. The present chapter is devoted to the first 
class, or simple tenses. 

It must here also be noted that the seven languages have but 
one conjugation each, that is to say, that the terminations and 
methods of forming tenses in use in any one language are 
applied without variation to every verb in that language. A 
partial exception may, at first sight, seem to occur in Sindhi 
and Marathi, in both of which there is one method for conju- 
gating neuter, and another for active verbs. It will be shown, 
however, that though at first sight the terminations of the 
neuter verb seem to differ from those of the active, as in M. 
*ft ^fU " I escape," n, but jft ffl^iY " I set free," a 9 yet in 
reality the scheme of terminations is one and the same for 
both, and the difference is due to a process of preparing the 
root to receive terminations, and to the abrasion of those termi- 
nations, in some cases from euphonic, causes, and not to the 
existence of a double system of conjugation. 

§ 33. First among the simple tenses comes, in all the lan- 
guages, the old Sanskrit present indicative, which, in form, 
preserves clear traces of its origin, though, as in its abraded 
condition it now no longer indicates with sufficient clearness 
present time, it has wandered away into all sorts of meanings, 
and is given by grammarians under all sorts of titles. Con* 


sidering the very vague meanings which it now expresses, 
especially in regard to the note of time, it has seemed to me 
that the Greek term "aorist" more accurately describes this 
tense in its modern usage than any other. The fact that it is a 
present, no matter what additional indefinite meanings may be 
attached to it, is, however, necessary to be borne in mind, and I 
think that in modern grammars it should always head the list 
of tenses, as the simplest and most genuine, and legitimately 
first in order, of them all. In those languages of this group 
with which I am personally acquainted, I can assert, from my 
own experience, that it is far more frequently used in colloquial 
practice as a present, pure and simple, than our grammar- 
writers, basing their views too much on the literary aspects of 
the languages, would have us believe. 

The terminations of the aorist in the classical form of each 
language in the present day are the following. (For the full 
forms, see the tables at the end of this chapter.) 

SING. 1. 2. 3. FLUB 1. 2. 3. 

Hindi ^f 




*ft * 

Panjabi ^t 




^ft ^^ 

Sindhi ^t 




^ft ^rf*I 

Gujarat! ^ 




*t * 

Marathi l£ 



■*rt ^ 

Oriya l£ 




*(5) *f*r 

Bengali ^ 




* (5) inc (vO 

The third person singular is the same in all the languages, 
ending universally in 1J. In Oriya poetry it ends in ^H[, and 
this now somewhat antiquated form is still occasionally heard, 
as in *tf^ " he does/' ^THC " it is." The form in ^R[ is in use 
in the rustic dialects of Hindi and Gujarati, as is also the in- 
termediate form l£. It seems certain that this universal TJ 
has been formed from ^RC the termination of this person in 


Prakrit, and corresponds to the Sanskrit ^rfjf. Thus ^(Wflt 
becomes ^n[, ^%, and *f%. The rustic Hindi forms ^rff , 
^W*J> are, I think, to be explained by the Prakrit process of 
inserting Tf and ^ to fill a hiatus; thus ^nfif becomes TOfff 
and ^frf^l* In the hill dialects of Kumaon and Garhwal the 
final vowel is lost, and they say ^1T for ^|%. The same takes 
place in Nepali 

The third person plural similarly points to the same person 
in the Sanskrit present. Oriya has here preserved the termina- 
tion unaltered, as qrtf^l "they do," *nrftl "they beat," 
though in common conversation there is a tendency to drop the 
final «, and to say karant, mdrant. P. S. and B. have lost the j|, 
and with it P. and B. have rejected the vowel also, which 
Sindhi retains. Hindi has softened the nasal consonant to 
anunasika, and Gujarati has rejected the nasal altogether, so 
that the 3 plural is the same in form as 3 singular. This also 
is the case in the dialects of Hindi spoken in Rajputana, which 
have *rft " they strike," where classical H. has irf^. After 
the rejection of the If, which is a phonetically anomalous, 
though widely used process, the remaining form would be ^rfif, 
as *H 4,1*1, closely approximate to which is Garhwali 9U^«|. 
The Braj form *rf^ is deducible also from 4J|<fi(, through an 
intermediate M\(x an ^ *HT^* ^ e last-named form is still in 
use in the Eastern Hindi area, and has in Bhojpuri modulated 
into *HiY ; while the type ^'^ is preserved in the Oudh and 
Biwa form *M<[ef, where ^f has been substituted for \, and an 
inorganic second anunasika added, concerning which there will 
be more to say presently. 

Marathi stands alone in preserving the t of the Sanskrit anti. 
In old Marathi the final vowel is preserved and lengthened, as 
<44<ft "they rise;" in the modern language ^37T. In the 
Konkani dialect 1 all three persons of the plural are said to end 

1 Grammatics da Lingua Concani (Goa, 1869), p. 74. 


in tu Thus in the Portuguese method of transliteration, which 
is not very accurate, the words are thus written, am\ assati " we 
are," tum% assati " ye are," te assati " they are." We should 
probably write ^wfif= classical M. ^Rnf. The author tells 
us, however, that one may also say ami assail "we are," which 
is classical M. first person plural ^n^t ^TCf , though in Konkani 
it may be used for all three persons of the plural. 

The second person singular ends in H in H. and G., and is 
from Skr. *wftr by elision of ^, thus ^rf%, ^frff , ^PHC, ^% 
(Braj), ^|%» In B. it formerly ended in ^rf%, but the final 
vowel has been rejected, and the a weakened to t, thus ^few 
" thou seest ;" this form has been excluded from literature, but 
is extremely common in speech. In M. also the ?f has persisted, 
as h2h "thou dost get free," where the e is apparently due to 
the epenthesis of the final % of an earlier ^gzflf. The % may, 
however, be dropped altogether, without leaving any trace, and 
one may say 4J44J. P. and S. take anunasika, as ^ " thou 
doest," which is perhaps due to the influence of the %, which 
has disappeared. The termination ^Q is often heard among 
the lower classes in the Hindi area, but always in a past sense, 
and extended to all persons, as f£fft*f " he did," qrff^f " he 
said" (also I or thou). The 0. termination ^ for this person 
is abnormal, and I am at a loss to account for it. 

The second person plural in all but M. ends in o, for though 
B. and 0. write ^f, they pronounce 6, and when emphasis is 
used, o. There is no difficulty in affiliating this termination to 
the corresponding Skr. 2 plural in tha, through Pr. dha and ha, 
thus ^H^ "ye go," where, by elision of h and conflation of the 
two vowels, we should get ^ira and ^RTT. The final & has 
been lengthened to o, as in the plural of nouns. Marathi also 
forms this person on the analogy of its noun, in which the final 
anuswara is typical of the plural, so that we get ^Wt- The 
process, however, is quite modern, for in the mediaeval poets 
the second person plural ends in & without anusw&ra. 


There is some obscurity about the first person in both num- 
bers. In H. and G. the singular ends in ^ (^), while the 
plural ends in $ (H) ; but in S. M. and 0. it is the plural which 
ends in ^t, while l£ is in M. and 0. the termination of the 
singular. Now if we look to the earlier forms, it would seem 
more natural to derive ^f from *J<Hl1Jf, where the presence of 
the final ^ accounts easily for the TJ, and so the plural ^fWRT • 
with its Prakrit representative ^WPJ would regularly result in 
tf. Moreover, in many dialects even of Hindi, the plural is 
still ^nJ and ^Rpf, otL ^fWt*. In the Eajputana dialects it 
is ^TOt, which agrees with the singular of modern P. and S. 
For five of the languages Skr. ^Wrf^f softened to *IWt^ would 
become ^TWHt> whence M. and 0. , ^f "I go," and further 
shortened, B. ^nfff id., while the rejection of final ^ gives P. 
*Wt> S. ^Wt " I go." The singular, therefore, in these five is 
easily understood. So also is the plural, for Skr. ^WRi*> Pr. 
^rer*}* would become *TWfa and ^Ml*d, whence dialectic H. 
^JWt (Rajputana), «r, ^Jlftf, ^Hflt (in the Himalayan dialects), 
S. ^rt, M. id., G. ^l[. But how are we to account for the 
singular and plural in H. and G. P It seems as if an inversion 
of the two persons had taken place. It is probable enough that 
a form originally plural should have become singular, because 
natives universally speak of themselves as "we" even when 
only one person is speaking. In this way the plural form may 
have passed over into a singular. And this tendency would be 
further developed by the fact that in H. and G. the languages 
which make the singular end in un, the pronoun of the first 
person was, in mediaeval times, and dialectically still is, ^f, so 
that it would be natural to say ^jV ^p^f " I do," on account of 
the identity of sound. In the other languages this pronoun 
has dropped out of use (see Vol. II. p. 302). Even if this con- 
jecture be disapproved, and if it be thought that the singular 
^PCf is derived from Pr. *Hlf*T by loss of the final i and soften- 
ing of the m into anusw&ra, we are still as far as ever from the 


origin of the plural hi en. I think that this might perhaps be 
accounted for by the form of the third person plural haying 
passed over into the first. That forms belonging to one person 
or case do often get extended to other persons or cases, is 
generally admitted. In the Riwa dialect of H. the 1 pi. ends 
in if, as 4f|<<T " we strike," which seems to be connected with 
the 3 pi. of P. S. and B., and in most of the dialects the 1 pi. is 
identical with 3 pi. Now the 3 pi. has a right to an t, coming 
as it does from a Skr. -anti, and the presence of the n in the 
Riwa, and other eastern Hindi dialects, points to the same 
source. The inorganic anusw&ra in poetic Hindi, as JJKfif 
" they strike," and dialectic forms, seems to have arisen from a 
feeling that final anusw&ra was the proper type of plurality, 
and thus depends upon a false analogy with the plural of 
nouns. The widespread Bhojpuri dialect has VT^f both for 
1 pi. and 3 pi., where the ending retains the nasal and the t, 
though the latter is lengthened. We may, however, also sup- 
pose that ^ 1 pi., " we do," is really the singular, and that 
the real plural having been used for a singular, the real singu- 
lar became a plural For though a native is fond of speaking 
of himself individually as " we," yet the consciousness of only 
one person being referred to might lead him to use the singular 
verb, just as the Muhammadans in Orissa, in their corrupt 
Urdu, say ham Jcar&ngd " I will do," literally " nos f aciam," a 
plural pronoun with a singular verb. So, also, the French 
peasant says "je faisons," "j'avons;" and the English one "we 
goes," " he do," " they says." 

The above remarks leave this difficult point still far from 
elucidation. It is surprising that none of the grammarians 
have observed the existence of the difficulty, or offered any 
hints towards its solution. It is further complicated by the 
fact that P. and G. insert t, I, ay or iy between the stem and 
the termination of the 1 pi., thus P. TR§, qf%£}, Gh iflfti}, m% 
" we read." Here it has been suggested that the Apabhran9a 


form in imo is the origin, thus fflnft " we laugh " became 
tftRTt and ^faifr, but the change from H to ^J is unusual. 

On the whole, then, the correspondence of the modern forms 
of this tense with those of the ancient synthetical present is so 
close that there can be no doubt as to its derivation therefrom. 
The terminations, however, have been so much worn away, and 
in some respects confused with one another, that the tense 
itself no longer indicates present time with sufficient definite- 
ness, and other forms, which will be treated of hereafter, have 
been called in to supply the place of a present. This tense has 
thus become vague, and in modern times is often used in both a 
future and a past sense. In Marathi grammars it is set down 
as an " Habitual Past," so that jft w^r means " I used to get 
loose/' In Panjabi it is given as an indefinite future, as 5|f 
^Ht " I would send," or, " I am going to send." It bears this 
meaning also in Hindi. Still, in literature, it is frequently the 
present, and nothing else, while in Bengali it is used as an 
"historic present," namely, that tense which is used by his- 
torians when, to give vigour to their style, they speak of past 
events in the present tense, thus tatpare katak-guli loka giyd 
pdthara sangraha hare, emana samaye ekakhdni bara pdthara kha- 
siyd pare, " After that several people went and collected stones, 
suddenly a great block of stone slipped and fell;" where kare 
and pare, though they must be translated by preterites, are 
really the old synthetic present This practice is extremely 
common in modern Bengali, both in the literary and in the 
colloquial style. 1 

It is unnecessary further to pursue the question of the 

1 In the Gujarati grammars of Leckey and Edalji this tense appears several times 
OTer. It is the first present and first habitual past of the Indicative mood, first 
Aorist of the Subjunctive, first present of the second Potential and the Optative. All 
this merely means that it is used in the senses which, in a Latin or Greek verb, 
would be assigned to those tenses ; but as the words are the same in all, it would be 
quite as accurate, and much simpler, to record it once only, and note that it is used 
in a variety of senses. 


various senses in which this tense is now employed, as the 
point is one which belongs not to the domain of comparative 
philology, but to the grammar of each individual language. 
The name " aorist," which I have suggested, has the advantage 
of being indefinite as to time, and in this way represents fairly 
the scope of the tense. 

§ 34. The next simple tense is the Imperative, and this, like 
the aorist, is descended from the imperative of the ancient 
languages. As might be expected, it closely resembles the 
aorist or old present, and has the following scheme of endings : 

S. 1. 



p. i. 



Hindi ^f 

V 1 














Maratbi ^f 






Oriya t£ 











In this scheme only the second persons singular and plural 
have been given for P. S. and G., because the other persons are 
the same as the aorist. This is also true of EL, the aorist being 
used as a potential in all these languages, the first and third 
persons of both numbers can only be considered imperatives in 
so far as the potential is itself imperative, just as in Latin and 
other Indo-European languages. So we may say in H. parhe 
"he reads," or, "let him read." It was shown in §§ 4, 5, etc., 
that even in Pali and the Prakrits the present and imperative 
had been confounded together, a practice that has paved the 
way for the modern system. 

It is only in M. 0. and B. that the third singular has a 

1 This mark means that the 2 sing, is the simple stem, as kar " do thou ! " pafh 
"read thou!" 


separate form, which may in all cases be traced back to the 
Skr. 3 sg. ^T^, Pr. ^T3, which in M. becomes ^ft. In M., how- 
ever, the termination BT for this tense is also in use. To the 
same origin may be ascribed the 0. ^ and B. y&, the final m 
of which, however, presents considerable difficulty. It will be 
discussed along with a similar termination in the future. 

The third plural in M. 0; and B. is parallel to the singular, 
and is connected with Skr. VJ, just as the corresponding 
person in the aorist is with Skr. ^Tpff. In 0., owing to the 
influence of the final w, this termination is often written until, 
as karuntu " let them do," Jduntu " let them go." 

In all but S. the second singular is the bare verbal stem. In 
M. a final ^ is heard, and slightly also in B. and 0. In the 
dialect of Northern Gujarat a Tf is sounded after the final con- 
sonant, as ^^ "do thou," ift^l "speak thou," ^TO "go thou." 1 
But in the rest this person ends with the final consonant, as kar 
" do;" dekh " see." In the H. mediaeval poets this person often 
ends in ff , as stated in §§ 4, 5, 7, corresponding to which is a 
plural in JT, as 

«F* itor IPf ilv *j* stfintoi r 

" Seize ye! seize ye ! muttering of war." — Chand, Pr. B. zix. 38. 

This form is also found in G., and in Old-M. takes the shape 
of % as trU "find thou!" for V^X, from tJT^ff, with in- 
organic anusw&ra. Sindhi, which causes all its words to end in 
a vowel, makes this person end in ^, which is apparently only 
a weakening of the final vowel of the stem. The dialectic 
forms of H. present few noteworthy peculiarities, in some cases 
the forms which Kellogg gives as imperatives are really other 
tenses used imperatively. Thus the form M\\H "beat ye!" 
common in the eastern area, is really a future, " ye shall beat." 
Often, too, in colloquial Hindi, and in Urdu, in giving an order, 

1 Vans Taylor, Grammar, p. 89. 


the future is used, as JJ11 ^t VJ% ^Nf UTift^ " You will bring 
R&m with you/' that is, "bring him with you !" So also the 
infinitive, as ^Jf ^pj ^TRT ^n*flft ^T^*IT " Do all this work to- 
day," literally, " (Take care) to do," ^3T f^Hf 'it ^T ^ 7PI 
*(vft WRT " Pay this debt, and then go away." ! 

Most of the seven languages have, in addition to the ordinary 
imperative, a respectful form used in addressing a superior, or 
in entreating and asking a favour. This, in Hindi, ends in 
Sing. ^, Plur. ^t. In P. this form is seldom employed, 
and when used, may be considered as borrowed from H. In 
the other languages are — 

Sindhi Sing. 2. ^}, jpj, Plur. 2. ^oft» ipft- 

Gnjarati „ ^1%, „ ^Vlt. 

In a few stems in H. which end in e, 31 is inserted between 
the stem and the termination, the final vowel being changed to 
I, as % "take," *ftfa%, ^ "give," ^tftft; the stem *^ "do " 
is in this case changed to ^ft, making qftfai) "be pleased to 
do." Sindhi sometimes takes in the singular f^ instead of ^3j f 
probably on the analogy of the simple imperative, which ends 
in u ; and in the plural, instead of f^ft, the forms f^TT, f^ITT, 
T*TO> T^Tir are used when great respect is implied, as ^rfsfSff 
"be pleased to go," 4|0l|4Uf{ "be pleased to hear." Many of 
the rustic dialects of Hindi have also this form ; thus Rajputana 
^%, j£t, t$, or simply %, as inf^G, *TTft%, wfrt "be pleased 
to strike." 

Vararuchi (vii. 20, 21, 22) teaches that jja and jj& may be 
optionally substituted for the affixes of the present and future, 
also for those of the imperative, in verbs which end in a vowel. 
In Old-Marathi, accordingly, a form with inserted ^ is found 
in present, past, and future, as well as imperative, as ^fffi^ft 
"he does," ^ftSfcTT "he did," *f?3w "he will do," *f?^| "do 

1 Pincott'8 Sakuntald, p. 12, a first-rate text-book in admirable idiomatic Hindi. 



thou," in which the junction vowel between the inserted ^ and 
the termination has been changed to e. As, however, the in- 
serted 9| is also a type of the passive, this form has occasionally 
been mistakenly used in a passive sense, as *ft ^RTf^Tft " I am 
struck." Lassen (p. 357) refers this increment to the Skr. 
potential, which is confirmed by the Pali forms quoted in § 4, 
and by the dotted 9f in S., which usually indicates that a 
double letter has existed. The H of the Skr., as in q%3f, is 
doubled in Pa. «|*)ti||(4l, and hardened to ^f in Pr., whence 
the modern ^, with lengthening of the preceding vowel in H., 
and change of e to a in GK (cf. GK ^?§=^§). As Vararuchi, 
in extending the use of this increment to present and future, is 
writing of the Maharashtri dialect, it is not surprising that the 
modern Marathi should show a wider use thereof than the 
sister idioms, in which the sense of a potential has passed over 
into that of a respectful imperative, or, as Trumpp well calls it, 

To this tense belong the two M. words *fHJ% and HTff^. 
The former is the precative of VfTj (Skr. V*PO "to speak," 
and means literally, "be pleased to say;" in modern times it 
means " that is to say," " i.e." " videlicet," as ^T9 *fm% Ml4l 
"a$tva 9 that is to say, a horse." It has also a future form 
+ff|<ta, meaning "in that case," as tr^PEf ^TOTT *fH%ff 
'9tM ^ft!& " If rain falls, then (or, in that case) there will be a 
crop." The latter, with a plural MlffilA, and a future mffita, 
is from T2TTf5t "to see," literally "please to see," and means 
" it ought," as ^ ^TT*I ^% *rrf^% " this work ought to be done," 
literally "please to see (that) this work is done;" "see" 
being used in M., as in English, in the sense of "seeing to," 
"providing for," "taking care for." 1 

Similar to these is the H. Vfif^t), lit. "please to wish," but 

1 See MoleswortVs Marathi Dictionary under these words ; also Godbol's Marathi 
Grammar, p. 92. 


meaning " ought," and, like TTTff*) in M., used with the past 
participle, as ^Jf ^m farm ^Tff^ "this work ought to be 
done." Colloquially, however, and even among good writers, 
^nft$ is often, like other ancillary verbs, constructed with the 
oblique form of the infinitive, and it would not be absolutely 
incorrect to say q^% ^Tff%- In fact, the construction both in 
M. and H. with the past participle remounts to a period when 
the participial character of this form was not yet forgotten. 
Since, however, the past participle in H. has come to be used 
simply as a preterite, this construction has lost its significance. 
Not so in M., where, as will be seen hereafter, the distinction 
between the preterite and participle still survives. 

Ghijarati has an analogous formation in the word ^fa^fr " it 
is wanted," French " il faut," Italian " bisogna." It is from 
the verb iftij "to see," and is used with a dative of the subject, 
as J&( ^Wt ^ *Tt^ «T^f " I want no other blessing," like 
Latin "mihi necesse est, oportet, decet," etc. It is conju- 
gated throughout the full range of tenses, as *P*T it % Wh[ 
*fhC3 ^ "Whatever teas required for the voyage," *ft ^rft 
f^qf jfrn) *?t " Should I require venison, then . . . ." 

§ 35. A simple future derived from the old synthetical tense 
exists only in Gujarati and in Old-Hindi. The tense is as 
follows, taking the stem kar " do," as a type : 

sing. 1. 2. 3. pl. 1. 2. 3. 

Giyarati *r(fa[ WCft ^^1 *rfV$ Wfjft 1T$- 

Old-H. *fttf *fi$ *fT$ *fft *rf^ *fi$. 

Kellogg (Or. p. 238) gives the following interesting tran- 
sitional type from eastern Bajputana : — 

sing. 1. 2. 3. pl. 1. 2. 3. 

**^ *r# »mft *rot *roft *mv. 



There are, in fact, four types of the future in the modern 
languages, having for their characteristics respectively the 
letters ^T, H, W, and ^. The sa type has a variant ha. The 
ga, la, and ha types belong to the class of participial tenses, 
and will be discussed under that head. The sa type, with its 
variant ha, found in G. and Old-H., with dialectic variations in 
several of the modern rustic dialects of H., is the only one 
which is directly derived from the corresponding Sanskrit and 
Prakrit tense. It is the Sanskrit future in ishya, as in kartsh- 
y&mi, which, as already pointed out in § 4, becomes in Pali 
karm&mi, and retains that form in the higher ' Prakrits. The 
transition from this to the eastern Rajput frt. seems to rest 
upon the confusion between the first persons of the singular 
and plural already noticed in H. ; for Rajp. WTOTt, though now 
a plural, represents ^TPCWTfa better than does VC$> which 
latter leads to Pr. plural 4k(\<&fl|t]> jnst as does G. qtf^. The 
G. 1 sing. ^PCfar has rejected all terminations, and lengthened 
the preceding vowel; this form is also, in the general con- 
fusion, due to the corruption of personal affixes, used for the 
2 sing. The second and third persons of both numbers may 
be traced back to the corresponding persons of the Prakrit just 
as in the aorist, and the loss of the i in the second syllable is 
probably due to the neglect of vowels in G., where the first 
plural even is written in three ways, as ffaf , if^J, or ITOT. 
The orthography of G. is, it will be remembered, still unfixed. 

In most of the Prakrits the future has undergone a further 
weakening, by which the Iff of the higher types has been re- 
solved into \ y so that we get such forms as Jlfitfff?! side by 
side with *ffawfir It is from this weakened form that the 
Hindi type is derived. Thus 3 sing. t|f^ represents Pr. 
^rtTfT fr° m WPCffil ; 3 pL 1 rfT^= *frtfa > and so on. Here 
also come in the old Purbi forms qrfTQff , ^rf^rff > which are 
transitional from Pr. to Old-H. In poems in the Braj dialect 
occur such forms as *B^f , ^$? where the ai has crept into 
tol. hi. 8 


the second syllable, probably from the analogy of the ga type 
karai-gd. The commonest form is that given above, with short 
i in the second syllable. This is Chand's ordinary future, as 

f if vRhf *r <gflil r 
tw^h iwre r 

"We nobles all will fight, 
(That) the kingdom of the Chandel may not perish." 

— Pr. B. ixi. 94. 

% far vftiflf *fi r 

"Either I wiU yield my head to thee, 
Or I will put the umbrella on my head." — Pr. It. i. 279. 
{i.e. I will either die or conquer.) 

" Having plundered Kanauj, I wiU carry offaH your riches, 
After that, I will fight at Mahoba." — ib. xxi. 87. 

It is also the ordinary future throughout Tulsi Das's 
Ramayan, as 

mfi *rtfir fro INt if^ff i 


"In every manner I «*'// wrt>0 my beloved, 
I will take away all the fatigue of the journey." 

— Ay-k. 309. 

Also universally in Kabir, as 

*it *mft *ct *nfrt «t wr *it urt* i 

" Ye know not when he {i.e. death) will strike t whether at home or 

abroad." — Ram. xix. 5. 

W¥ft f ifcft ^t ^TTfT R 

" You will never find such a place again. — ib. xliii. 2. 
where ^t= JJUflft 2 pi. fut. of UTTT " to find." 

When the ga future, which is now the ordinary type in 
Hindi, arose, cannot be clearly defined. It is not in use in the 


mediaeval poets, and, as has been shown above, it has not suc- 
ceeded in expelling the old synthetical future from the rustic 

§ 36. In M. and S. the terminations of the old present or 
aorist, and those of the imperative in S., seem at first sight to 
differ in the active from those in the neuter verb, and some 
remarks are necessary in explanation of this peculiarity. The 
neuter ^l| " to get loose/' and the active ^ftl^l " to set free," 
are thus conjugated in the present in M. 

BDCG. 1. 2. 3. PL. l. 2. 3. 

Similarly in S. the neuter ^U^g "to go," and the active 
11J "to give up," conjugate the present thus : — 

sing. 1. 2. 3. PL. 1. 2. 3. 

^finrt wfint w% vfi^afr ^frift ^Fftfa- 

On comparing these two sets of forms, it will be seen that 
the active differs from the neuter by insertion of ^ in M., and 
of ^ in S. This inserted vowel has, however, disappeared in 
some persons, as in M. first and second plural, and in S. third 
singular, and, optionally, also second singular and third plural. 
Some writers on Marathi seek to derive the forms of the neuter 
from those of the Skr. Atmanepada, and the forms of the active 
from those of the Parasmaipada. There is, however, a fatal 
objection to this argument in the fact that the Skr. Atmane- 
pada had died out of use so early as the Prakrits, and that the 
neuter forms of M. agree closely with the forms in use in the 
other languages, where there is nothing to lead us to look for 


an origin from the Atmanepada, inasmuch as the known changes 
of the Parasmaipada afford a satisfactory explanation, and in 
those languages the type which in M. is restricted to neuter 
verbs is used for both neuter and active. A more probable 
supposition is that which would derive the forms of the active 
in M. and S. from the Skr. causal, the characteristic aya having 
been changed in Pr. to e, and still further shortened in S. to t, 
while in M. the personal terminations have been blended with 
the Jf of aya into a long vowel ; thus M. 4ft >tt presupposes an 
earlier form ^P^SHC or 4ft >£t, for it must be noted that the 
termination H resulting from Skr. ^rf?T, Pr. ^fl^, has been 
dropped in this word. So in the first sing. S. $ft*ll repre- 
sents an older ^tZ^nf*T> and is thus earlier in type than M. 
4ft>tY for *ftf%l£> through 4jh4<JM(. The second singular in 
which the personal termination is retained also supports this 
view, for in it the characteristic ^ holds the same place in the 
word as the characteristic aya of the Sanskrit causal, namely, 
between the stem and the termination : so it does in Sindhi in 
all the persons. The value of the comparative method is shown 
in cases like this where a student, who is guided by the facts of 
one language only, is liable to be misled, owing to want of the 
light supplied by the sister languages. 

It is only in S. that the imperative differs in the active from 
that in the neuter. According to strict rule, the second singu- 
lar of neuter verbs ends in w, as mj^ " to die/' imperative *T^ 
" die thou ;" while in active verbs it ends in \ 9 as tnil " to 
cherish," imperative inftr " cherish thou." Trumpp, however, 
gives a long list of active verbs whose imperative ends in w, 
while there are others which take both terminations. It is 
impossible, at present, satisfactorily to account for this irregu- 
larity, but it seems probable that active verbs in S. derived 
from actives in Sanskrit form the imperative in u, while those 
which are derived from S. causals form it in ^. Should this 
suggestion be confirmed by further research, the ^ would 


appear to be the representative of the Skr. at/a of the causal. 
Thus while Skr. *nc produces S. *H|, Skr. mWQ produces S. 
m(V, shortened from HT% (Pr. m%ff)« The second plural of 
neuters ends in o, as ^sft " go ye ! " while that of actives ends 
in to or yo> as ^f%^t or q^jt- The earlier form in iho 
(Pr. XW) is also in use as 9ff%ft. 

In the following list there is no reason why the imperative 
should not end in u, notwithstanding the rule, for the words 
are derived from simple Sanskrit active verbs of the Bhu con- 
jugation, or, if in Sanskrit of other conjugations, yet reduced 
to the Bhu type in Prakrit. 

VfflQ "to read," imp. TO Sk 

irai|"see," „ ^ „ 

ftflg" grind," „ ftljr „ 

T^| " graze," „ *T$ 
^ilj " keep," „ X^ 
^flj " say," „ ^TJT 



imp. VR. 


9 9 *n*. 


» HlR** but Pr. ijfar 

(Hem. iv. 185). 


» ^T- 


„ T*- 


„ T|RR» but Pr. ^5 

(Hem. iv. 2). 

WQ^ "to inform," makes ^Hp§ and ^Hrf^T, it is from Skr. 
^IHT) imperative ^ITWTff > from which comes regularly ^nf^f, 
through a form ^RPSrf\j, but this verb may be also neuter, as in 
" tell ! tell ! " and would thus, by the masses, be formed like 
neuters, and have ^in§. ^JVJ "to blow" (with bellows), 
makes \tj and \$ft, it is from Skr. \flT, imp. W?> whence 
regularly ^fa|. Here the form \|fif, the ordinary form for 
actives, may have been introduced from forgetfulness of the 
special reasons for that ending in w. As a general result, it 
may be suggested that each of these peculiar verbs requires to 
be traced back to its origin, in which case there will generally 
be found some special reason for the divergence from the 
normal type. 




§ 37. Here follows a table showing the simple tenses in each 
language. A common verbal stem in each is given to exhibit the 
method of adding the terminations. 





4 f 





4 15 


(P> W* W W* w* w* 



1 2»<g £ ^ £ £ 





& r 

t t 






r I 




W*9'& XP% HP 
(I* far fa (fr far fa 

n N « n « 9) 

o to n oi eo 



n « o) n « eo 

rf S3 



§ 38. The simple tenses in the Gipsy verb, as given by 
Paspati and Miklosich, differ very widely from the Indian 
type, and it is difficult to grasp their forms, so much have 
contraction and a slurring habit of pronunciation weakened 
the original terminations. The present among the Rumelian 
gipsies has the following endings : S. 1. a, 2. «a, *, 3. /; PI. 1. 
*a, 8, 2. na, n, 3. na, n. Thus from kerdva "to do" — 

Sing. 1. kerdva, or kerav. PL 1. kerasa, or keras. 

2. kerasa „ keras. 2. ker£na „ ker£n. 

3. ker£la „ kerel. 3. kerena „ kerln. 

Of the two forms, those ending with a are the fuller and 
more correct forms, and those ending in the consonant which 
precedes the a are used in ordinary conversation. The S. 2 
sounds also keresa, ker£s. Here we distinguish two junction- 
vowels d and e, as ker-a-sa, ker-6-sa, a peculiarity which recalls 
the practice in Prakrit by which the e originally proper to the 
tenth conjugation is often used in verbs of the Bhfi and other 
types, and as often omitted in causals ; so we have ^fTf^f and 
J^fSf, T^Tf*? and ^ftfir, fTTf and fT^C, *TT *&<! IS^C- 
But with regard to the terminations, there is much difficulty ; 
we recognize, indeed, the termination Ami of S. 1. in Paspati's 
Ava, or Av, and asi in his dsa, or ds. So also anti, Pr. enti, re- 
appears in ena or en. The ela, el of S. 3. may stand to ati in 
the same relation as the ila of 0. and M. p.p.p. does to Skr. ita ; 
but if so, it is a strange confirmation, and from an unexpected 
quarter, of what is as yet little more than an unsupported 
hypothesis. In the P. 2. the ena, en may have been borrowed 
from P. 3, for we have seen similar cases in the other lan- 
guages, but the P. 1, with its ending in *, is entirely in- 

The Syrian gipsies have retained a fuller form of the S. 1, as 
jAmi "I go," Aoami. "I come/' st&mi "I am," and the following 
almost pure Prakrit words, bihemi " I fear," chinemi " I cut," 



ddmi, demi "I give," Jdnami, jdnemi "I know," enemi "I bring " 
(from ^nnft), kinimi " I buy " (^ft), and others (Miklos. ii. 4). 

The imperative is the only other simple tense, it has the 
forms ker " do thou," kertn, do ye," me kerel " let him do," me 
keren "let them do." The meaning and origin of this prefix 
me is not explained by Paepati, and I am not aware of any- 
thing in the Indian languages with which it can be connected. 
It is probably a construction borrowed from modern Greek, or 
Turkish, or some of the languages spoken in or near Rumelia. 
The imperative is, in its general form, precisely analogous to 
the languages of our group, but there is nothing specially 
noteworthy about it. 



C0NTENT8.— § 30. Definition op the Pabticipial Tenses.— § 40. The 
Participle Aotiyb.-} 41. Tenses formed thereby— the Sindhi Future. 
— § 42. Marathi Indicatiyb and Conditional Present. — § 43. Bengali 
and Orita Conditional. — § 44. Hindi, Panjabi, and Gujarati Present. — 
f 45. The Past Participle Passive. — § 46. Early Tadbhaya Participles 
in Sindhi and Panjabi. — } 47. The same in Gujarati and Marathi. — 
{ 48. The same or Old and Nbw Hindi.— § 49. Tenses formed from 
the Past Participle.—} 60. The PRAYOQAS. — § 61. The Future Parti- 
ciple Passive. — } 62. Tenses formed from it in Sindhi, Gujarati, and 
Marathi. — § 63. The Future in Oriya, Bengali, and Eastern Hindi. — 
{ 64. The Hindi and Panjabi Future.—} 66. Marathi Future com- 
pared with that nr Certain Hindi Dialects.—} 66. Synopsis of the 
Participial Tenses or all Sbybn Languages. — § 67. Participial Tenses 
nr the Gipsy Verb. 

§ 39. So widely has the modern verb diverged from its 
parent, that the simple tenses, in which there still remain 
traces of the ancient synthetic structure, are, as we have just 
seen, extremely few. Far more numerous in all the languages 
are those tenses which are formed by the aid of a participle 
derived directly from the Prakrit. These tenses may be 
divided into two classes, (1) consisting either of a participle 
alone, as in H. chaltd "he moves," which is really "moving 
(he is)," or of a participle, to which are attached much-worn 
fragments of the old Sanskrit substantive verb, as in M. hasatos 
"thou laughest," which is really "laughing thou art," Pr. 
hasanto 'si (whether the remnant of the substantive verb still 
appear, or whether it have entirely dropped out, in either case 
the principle underlying the formation is the same, and words 


like H. chatt&y and M. hasatos, belong, therefore, to the some 
category) : (2) consisting of a participle, to which is subjoined 
a substantive verb, the two words standing separate, but form- 
ing one phrase, as in H. dekhtd hai "he sees/' i.e. "he is 
seeing," M. lihtt dhe " he is writing/' 

Between these two classes there is this fundamental differ- 
ence, that in the former the traces of the substantive verb 
which do exist are still in the Prakrit stage of development, 
whereas in the latter the substantive verb, which is combined 
with the participle, is not in the Prakrit shape, but is a later 
form, evolved by the languages out of the Prakrit. 

The first of these two classes I propose to call " participial 
tenses," and they will be treated of in this chapter ; the second 
I shall call, following the example of the grammarians, " com- 
pound tenses/' and shall reserve their discussion for another 

The participle used in the formation of tenses may be traced 
back to the Prakrit equivalents of the following Sanskrit 

1. The present Active (Parasmai.), as in THJ*^ m., q^tf^/., tr^^«. 

2. The past Passive (with inserted \), as in V7f^ m., ^HTT /*•> W?t *• 

(Pr. ^rfr^rt etc)- 

3* The future participle Passive or verbal adjective, as in CTrTO^ **., 

To these must be added certain much abraded forms of 
special past participles, which are used in a peculiar way in 
three of the languages, as will be shown hereafter, and it must 
be borne in mind that, especially in the case of the past parti- 
ciple passive (noted as p.p.p.), it is the Prakrit forms that are 
to be looked to, rather than those which occur in classical 
Sanskrit. The classical language does not prefer to insert the 
intermediate ^ in the p.p.p., but the popular languages do 
prefer it to a very great extent, so much so, that it has almost 


become the rule to insert it, and the cases where it is omitted 
may be classed as exceptions. 

§ 40. The participle of the present active in Pali and the 
Prakrit takes the forms of the a-stem of nouns, and retains the 
nasal throughout ; thus ij^ft m., ij^ft/., Tj^ftf n. The varia- 
tions introduced by the conjugational peculiarities of the 
Sanskrit verb are neglected, and all roots take this one form. 

Sindhi reproduces this universal Prakrit form with softening 
of if into ^, and declines it for gender and number thus (hal 


Sing, f^t »•> V&$f- PL l^T «•> ?^fi[*/, "going." 

In active verbs, with which must be reckoned causals, the 
characteristic i appears (§ 36), but here lengthened to I, as 
(6Aar" Alia- 
sing. *rft<t m., vrff^f. pi. *pflh*T »., irftft(*/. « fining* 

There are some minor exceptions and contractions which may 
be learnt from the special grammar of the language, but the 
forms given above are the regular types. 

Panjabi retains the nasal in verbs ending in vowels, as jd 
"go," *t^T "going," ho "be," jt^T "being," seu "serve," 
%3^[T " serving." In some of the rustic dialects the nasal is 
retained also after stems ending in a consonant, thus I have 
heard 44l{^| or JliX^I "beating." In the classical dialect, 
however, the nasal is omitted after a consonant, as singular 

4*K<I m-, HK^ /; plural iTPE^ m -> *iK^^l /• Not in- 
frequently the ^ is dropped, and we hear WRT, JHTT for WfcfJ, 

Hindi has two sets of forms; one indeclinable originally 
ended in ant, and still exists in several rustic dialects with the 
termination at. Chand inserts or omits the nasal at pleasure, 
to suit his metre, as TT 1 ! iffa *^faf "possessing three feet" 


(Pr. R. i. 61) ; ^sm *ppf fti; VPt I " the ear hearing, it is 
broken" (ib. i. 159) ; Tyfa "shining," snfa "arraying," wftT 
"being beautiful," Wtll "being cut," etc. (ib. vi. 18), but TO?f 
"playing (music)," ^W "mounting (a horse)" (xix. 3). 
Tulsi Das chiefly uses the latter form, as arni " going " (R&m. 
S.-k. 7) ; *fam "humming" (ib. 9); WRRT "meditating," UTO! 
" finding," ^nW " being pleased," imtl " singing " (all in 
Ay-k. 1) ; and this is also common in most mediaeval poets, 
thus Bihari Lall ^T^ "placing" (Sat. 6), V^7[ (tnffi) " falling " 
(ib.), J-ftfTT "being beautiful," *RI?! "appearing," ^fipH! 
" looking " (ib. 7, 9, etc.). Kabir farcnj "living" (Rim. 30, 5) ; 
^Wf "being bound" (ib. 31, 3). It survives in all the dialects 
of the eastern Hindi area, in Oudh, Riwa, and Bhojpur, and 
even in the Gangetic Doab. 

The other form ends in a vowel, and is in use in classical 
Hindi, as sing. JTrHTT »»., *TTT*ft / ; pL TR*! #*., JTtvft /• 
"beating." In the Braj dialect it takes the forms UHfl m. 9 
UKfcl /. ; pi. WITI m ' /• The Garhwali dialect preserves the 
older' form, as JiK^tit, but has also, as have the Rajputana 
dialects, ^TTTTft- Kellogg gives also a Kumaon form JITT^ 
which probably arises from STR^fo just as Panjabi Wt*U from 

It would seem that, to account for the co-existence of these 
two forms, one ending in a consonant, and the other in & (=o), 
we must have recourse to Hoernle's theory of the ka- affix, and 
derive ^RjTT, ^7! from Pr. <JK*i1, while we derive W<*TT, 
WKjGl from a Pr. ^TT^t. The ka- theory, however, thus 
begins to assume rather formidable dimensions, and will, ere 
long, require a whole treatise to itself. 

Gujarati has also two forms, one indeclinable ending in TTt, 
as tft¥?Tt " loosing," the other declinable, as sing. tFTOft #*•> 
ift/-, ^ n. ; pL ^ta?!T w., *ft/., 7ft w. The terminations are those 
of the adjective in this language (Vol. II. p. 150). There is 
also a form of the indeclinable participle in f|, as o£t>fH, which, 


like the Bangali, is apparently the locative singular, while that 
in Tit has the ending of the old nom, pi. neuter, though, in 
sense, it approaches more to the locative, as SfTTT *h>ft QffcTft 
THtt ^tW WIT "If in loosing my bonds thy teeth should 
break." 1 Vans Taylor, however, distinguishes two separate 
words with this ending, one of which he would derive from the 
locative singular of Sanskrit feminities, as JfJimiH* *he other 
he would derive from the Skr. infin., as ^$[. The first form 
he assumes to have been the origin of such phrases as TfTT 
'^TOft " on my coming," the second, of such as qr^fft fipw% 
" he teaches to do." This, however, is very doubtful. 2 

Two forms are also observable in Marathi, or rather two sets 
of forms. The indeclinable ends in ^, iff, and JlflT, as 'QZ^, 
*}4fli, 4fl4dt<ll- The first of these agrees with Hindi, the 
second with Gujarati, and the third is merely the second with 
an enclitic particle ifT added for emphasis. In active verbs the 
characteristic I appears, as {ft^lfl, 41^1 flt ¥t€fart*IT "loosing." 
There is also a declinable form, which, however, is not now used 
as a participle, but appears in the third person of the present 
tense, thus sing. 4|4<|| m., ^zOtf., wiH n. ; pL gz?| m. 9 *pWT/., 

Oriya has only one form for the present participle. It is in- 
declinable, ending in ^ or ^, as ^^, ^ " seeing." Of these 
two forms, that with the nasal is the older, though now less 
used, and probably comes from the Pr. neuter in *|, though 
the intermediate steps are not easily traced. 

Even in the earliest writings in Bengali there is no regular 
present participle, but a form derived from the locative of the 
Prakrit is in use. It ends in ^l|, as ^fcft, and is now used 
as an infinitive, meaning "to see." Literally, it means "in 
seeing," and is used in this sense by Bidy&pati, and the older 
poets. Thus %1f fof lfrft *f *WT VTTT I "In wringing {or 

1 Leckey, Grammar, p. 179. * Grammar, p. 113. 


from wringing) her hair there flows a stream of water " (Pr. 
K-S. 13, 15) ; $TH$ 1^ fTTO ^t^nmf I " On seeing (her), 
lore smote him in the heart" (ib. 15, 7). Even here, how- 
ever, it becomes almost an infinitive, as ^fT^^^J 1 *m *lYO I 
" I saw the fair one go to bathe (i.e. in going, or while going) " 
{ib. 13, 13) ; ^JJ %TT^ H$ 5faT VX*V$ I "In seeing (or to see) 
K&nh, there has been now delight" (ib. 20, 10); So Btarat 
flTl^t *Tp!?i ^T^W *W^K "By causing to hear, and by hearing, 
I shall obtain news" (Bidya S. 247). 

§ 41. Having thus given the forms of the present participle, 
we next proceed to exhibit the tenses constructed therefrom, 
either with or without the addition of fragments of the old 
substantive verb, and it will be seen that there is great variety 
in the practice of the respective languages, though all the 
variations are sufficiently alike to justify their being classed 
generally as structurally present tenses. In some cases the 
sense of present time is more clear and definite than that 
afforded by the old present of the synthetic system, or, as we 
now call it, the aorist, while in others it has wandered away in 
different directions. 

Sindhi, 1 to begin with, makes this participle into a future. 
In the third person of both numbers the participle is used 
without any addition, thus 

Sing, ftf^t »-» f^t /• PL l^T »»., t4f<^4 /• " he, she, etc., 
will go." 

The second person, however, retains traces of the substantive 
verb ^|^ " to be," though much abraded and indistinct, it runs 

Sing, ftf^' m-, f*f^f / Pi- V&?* m " I*fi[* /• " tho,I > J* 
etc., will go." 

The singular masculine ends in^f, just as does the corre- 

1 This section follows, for the most part, Trumpp, pp. 289, 291, etc* 


sponding person of the aorist, and we may resolve it thus, 
halando asi = haland' asi = haland* at = haland e. The anusw&ra 
is here, probably, as in the aorist, put in to fill up the hiatus 
caused by loss of *, and first stood over the a oi cti; when these 
two syllables were contracted into one, it took its place over 
that one. In the singular feminine we start from halandl asi, 
where the final long I of the participle is shortened, and asi = 
ot=$, giving halandie, a form still in use, though Trumpp gives 
as the classical type the still further contracted halandia. The 
plural masculine arises from halandd stha, where stha has be- 
come tha, and then ha ; the h being dropped, we get halandda= 
halando, subsequently resolved into its present form halandau. 
The plural feminine is merely the feminine of the participle, 
there is no trace of the substantive verb. 

In the same way may be explained the first person of both 

Here, again, we meet an instance of the curious change of 
^f into 9, which we observed in the Fanjabi and Sindhi pro- 
nouns of the first person plural ^RJFf and ^Wf (Yol. II* p. 308). 
Thus halando asmi becomes halando asi, then halandu 'si, the 
final o being shortened to u. In the feminine, however, the 
elision of the a of asmi cannot take place by the old laws of 
Sandhi ; instead, the t of the participle changes to its semivowel, 
producing halandy asi, which the Sindhians in the present day 
write either as above, or fsNrfa, or even ^f^ftr. As to 
the termination *ft of the plural, I am disposed to regard it 
as formed by analogy from a singular ftf, rather than, with 
Trumpp, as a derivative of Skr. ^:, which, if the if be re- 
jected, would yield ^ft or w, but not, according to any known 
processes, ^fV. 

§ 42. Closely analogous to the Sindhi future is the definite 
present in Marathi In this tense, as in the S. future, the third 


person preserves no trace of the substantive verb, and In this 
respect curiously resembles the periphrastic future of Sanskrit 
(bodhitdsmi, bodhit&si, but bodhitd). 

The participial form which enters into the composition of 
this tense is, apparently, not used alone in a participial sense. 
^if^ft or if^TT would always imply "he does," never "doing." 
For the purely participial sense the indeclinable participles 
given in the last section are used. 

There is much more difficulty in tracing out the Marathi 
persons than those of Sindhi, not only because the remains 
of the substantive verb are more abraded, but because in the 
second and third persons there are two sets of terminations, one 
of which is used when the sense is that of the indicative pre- 
sent, the other when it is conditional. 

Beginning with the third person, we have these forms (put 
" escape ") : 

Indicative. Sing. 4144) m., ift /.,"?! ». PL ^JZcTTTT »»•> /•> *.» "he, 
she, etc., escapes." 

Conditional. Sing. 4J4AI m -> m /•» n »• PI* 4I£<$ m., WT/., H¥ *-» 
" were he, etc., to escape." 

Here the indicative strikes us at once as the older type; 
adjectives do not now in M. end in o in the masculine singular, 
though they did so in Maharashtri Prakrit ; the to of the in- 
dicative therefore preserves the earlier form. So also in the 
plural there is but one form for all three persons which con- 
tains the verb santi, in Old-M. changed to dti, just as in the 
third plural of the aorist, but with disregard of the varying 
terminations for gender of the modern participle. The con- 
ditional, on the other hand, is simply the modern participle, 
with its full range of endings for number and gender. 

The second person runs thus : 

Indicative. Sing. ^Zcffcl m., flfa/./'^far «• PL 4|4fll ».,/-, •- 
Conditional. Sing. 4J4AI4J "*•> Iu^T/m^NT *»» H> 4£ilt *».,/•> *• 


Again, in the indicative, the older ending in o, sutatas=sutato 
9 si fast) ; while in the conditional, sutatds = sutatd asi t with the 
modern ending in 4. The plural, however, is the same in both, 
and agrees in termination with the aorist. The first person is 
the same in both indicative and conditional, and is — 

Sil *g. ^dtff »».,>f/., jflf a. PL 4Jdflf m./. «. 

Pinal anuswara here represents probably Pr. sing, amhi, pi. 
amho; but the sandhi is irregular, as/. sutat$=sutati amhi; the 
variant sutatyd, used in the Konkan, is more regular for sutaty 
amhi. The pi. sutatd = sutatd amho, where, again, the steps of 
transition to sutatd are difficult to work out. 

§ 43. A similar use of the participle, in a conditional sense, 
occurs in Bengali and Oriya. In the former, the present tense 
is made up by using an auxiliary, and it will come under dis- 
cussion in the next chapter, but the conditional has traces of 
the old Pr. form of the verb, and therefore belongs to this 
place. The tense is (dekh " see")— 

singr. i. ^fwra, 2. ^f^rfrre, 3. ^f*arcr pi. i. 3taflw> 2 - 

The participle here has lost its terminations for gender, as 
the Bengali adjective has (Vol. II. p. 147) : dekhitdm therefore 
=dehhita asmi= dekhita amhi in the sing., and dekhita amhu in 
the pL, lit. " seeing I am ; " dekhitis—dekhita asi, where, on the 
analogy of the aorist, the i has crept into the penultimate (now 
ultimate) syllable ; dekhitd similarly = dekhita stha, whence 
dekhita tha = dekhitaha = dekhitd. So, also, dekhiten = dekhita 
(s)anti, with the same treatment of the verb as in the aorist. 
The third singular is the simple participle. 

In Oriya this tease runs thus : 

Singr. 1. ^ft, 2. ^7J, 3. ^JT. H. 1. ^ ($. 2. ^fo, 

vol. m. 9 


In this tense is preserved the older form of the participle 
Pr. dekhanto, O. dekhantd, which, as usual, appears unchanged in 
the third sing., as also the pi. Pr. dekhante preserved in the 
3 pi. The other persons exhibit only slight modifications of 
the terminations of the aorist, which are those of the Sanskrit 
present asmi, asi, etc. 

In B. and 0. this tense is used with srf|[ fafi[) "if," pre- 
fixed, " if I were to do," etc. ; when used alone, it means " I 
might or should do," and in B. narrative it occasionally ap- 
pears as an habitual past, " I used to do." 

It should also be mentioned that just as the Bengali pandits 
have banished the old singular of the pronoun and declared it 
vulgar, so they have branded the singular number of all their 
tenses as low, and those grammarians who write under pandit 
influence gravely assure us that "the singular and plural are 
the same in Bengali verbs, and it is the nominative case before 
them which determines whether they are singular or plural " 
(Yates's Gr., ed. Wenger, p. 43). When they come to the real 
old singular, their agitation is extreme, they are too honest to 
leave it out, and too fastidious to put it in. So they preface it 
thus, "If a person speaks with the greatest humility of himself, 
or with the greatest contempt of another, he employs this form; 
but it is not found in good composition. We should have been 
happy to pass it over entirely; but to enable the student to 
understand what he will but too often hear (alas ! yes, far too 
often, in the mouths of ninety-nine out of every hundred 
persons in Bengal), it seems necessary to give one example " 
(fl. p. 47). 

The best Bengali poets had not discovered that these forms 
of their mother-tongue were low or vulgar down to the be- 
ginning of the present century. In a page opened at random 
in the Mahabarat of Kasiram Das occur XffW "he remained,*' 
^fWT "he said," ftnnftWT "be asked," f^m^/'he has 
given," ft^t " h° shall be." Kabi Eankan uses ufafW " thou. 


shalt fall," *ftfW "thou diedst," ^rf*^ "I was;" and 
Bharat Chandra, f^ffl " thou hast done/' HT^ " I found/' and 
innumerable other f onus, which would be classed as vulgar by 
the purists of the present day. 

§ 44. In the remaining languages, Hindi, Panjabi, and 
Gnjarati, both forms of the present participle are used as an 
indefinite present tense, without any trace of the old substan- 
tive verb. The indeclinable form occurs constantly in Chand, 
thus *TflT* *H7! VRMK OTR I *JWfI ffT'n? g*HI 1HI I " In 
Kartik he performs ablutions at Puhkar, and hears with his ears 
the glories of Gokarn."— Pr. R. i. 198. The long list of words 
of this form in vi. 39, describing the fight at the darb&r, may 
be construed either as participles or present tenses. It is one 
of those scarcely translateable jingles of which Chand is so 
fond ^ptif \|TT t*TT *t I *Rft! 11T 11T ^Pf I lj*tf WT UTT 
VT I *rtflT CTT ITT *ft I and so on for fifty lines. Perhaps the 
meaning may be thus roughly paraphrased — 

They thrust with sword-edge biting, 
They shout the shout of smiting ; 
They crouch from weapons sweeping, 
They watch the steel blade leaping. 

The meaning is clearer in other places. ^ITTf xppf TITTO 

Ifif | (Pr. R. lx. 17), "The wind blows like to fire, distressing 
the mind (as if with) penance, the tanks dry up, the mud is 
stirred up, the fishes' bodies pant." So in Bihari Lai, JjqKT&TT 

'hum % ^tw ^rtfn ipi i ^nff *nft tf^i ^r *ror *fttt 

W! f'nrnf I " The dolphin-shaped earring shines (sohat) in 
the ear of Gopal, as the flag of love appears (lasat) at the 
threshold while he enters the heart " (Sat. vi.). He constantly 
uses the feminine Braj form in f?| both as a participle and a 
present. *fft *l ^BRI fft WRT $*rfTO *Wf 4<lRl I ifan; 


*!* ihlTT ft*T ^pi Wf fjafil *TfiT I "The virtuous wife does 
not repeat the bad words of her husband's younger brother, 
fearing (dar&ti) a quarrel, but dries up with fear, like a parrot 
when a cat approaches its cage " (Sat. xv.). 

In classical Hindi both forms are used as a present tense, it 
is unnecessary to give instances, as the practice is universal. 
The same is the case in P., where ^f ^RQ^T " I send," is the 
ordinary indefinite present. WSSK ^ 0*1 ^% 9<ft ^ *Jlfr *JT^ 
"They put a lump of sugar in the mouth of the boy and girl." l 

Classical Hindi also uses this participle, with " if " prefixed 
as a past conditional; thus they say qjf|r $f ^ron* jft qpn£t 'HfY 
WniT "Had I known, I never would have gone," — a similar 
practice to that of O. and B. mentioned in the last section. 

The declinable participle is used in GK as a past habitual, or 
as a subjunctive aorist, according to the grammarians, so that 
if Wt^ft means " I used to loose," or, " I should loose." In 
the former sense it is employed in the same way as the old 
present or aorist 3? 3?Vl- The example given is Jfifr *Kl^ 
WT TPSRTT (pL niasc.) if^f "you used not to keep a fair 
share." 2 Most commonly, however, it is used with an auxiliary 
verb in a variety of meanings, this language being very fertile 
in the production of compound tenses. 

§ 45. The passive past participle in Sanskrit has many forms; 
the simplest, though least widely used, in the classical lan- 
guage, is, however, that in ita (itas, itd, itam), as irfflflj "fallen." 
The T[ of the affix, as would be expected, becomes in the 
higher Prakrits ^, and in the more common dialects falls out 
altogether ; thus we have frftRf= flfK$ "lost," *jfa^t = ^fw 
" robbed," *rf|^= mfht "taken," and many others. 

But Var. vii. 32 admits even in Maharashtri the form from 

1 " Pan jab Customs," in Appendix to Panjabi Grammar, Loodhiana, p. 91. 
* Leckey, Grammar, p. 160. 


which the ^ has entirely dropped, and instances ^f^PR for ff%7f 
" laughed/' vfttt for Vfid " recited," and this form has be- 
come the type of most modern languages. In Old-Hindi this 
participle regularly ends in sing, ^ft #*., ^ /., pi. H m., ^/., as 
^raft m., 31^ /., etc., " burnt." Here the 1J represents the ^ 
of the Prakrit, hardened into a semivowel before the final 
vowel. In the feminine it is merged in the ^ of the affix, and 
in the plural lost altogether, for 3rat easily passes into *|%. 

Chand uses this form throughout, as ftif Tift *ltfil ifq ^ 
WPI I " his body remained bright, he went to the abode of the 
gods" (i. 299); *4T "done," ipft "gone," etc. It is, how- 
ever, more frequently used as a tense than as a participle, and 
further illustrations will be given in a following section. 

The form in ^ft lasts all through the mediaeval poets, and is 
still in use in the dialects of Rajputana and in Braj. In the 
former a slight change has occurred, sing. 4(|tJT, pi. *TT§T, 
while in Kumaon the form is sing. *nf^t> pl« 4J|f\«||. 

Modern classical Hindi has sing. 7VTTT m -> *JT0 /• > P^ 
*rft tn. $ *rp(T/.> " struck." 

Panjabi retains the ^ of the Prakrit, and has sing. 4||f\^|f m., 
4|l0/« 5 pi- TIT m '> *uO*lt/> " struck ;" so also does Sindhi, 
sing, fftnft or f?jft m. f ffft/. ; pi. \pstT m., fftret/. Trumpp 
seems to be here in error in saying that the n has been inserted 
to fill the hiatus caused by the elision of the <^. It is rather 
the ^ of ^t hardened to a semivowel, as in Old-H. and P. 

Oriya has rejected the final syllable, just as it has in its 
present participle, and has an indeclinable past participle in *, 
as dekhi. This is never used alone, but only in composition, 
with an auxiliary forming a tense. The past participle used to 
form the passive ends in d, like H., as dekhdjibd "to be seen." 

The same form is found in Gujarati, as sing, ^t^ft (chhodyo) 
**-> ^VttA ^taj (chhodyu) n. ; pi. ^VSU m. f ^t>ft/., ^t>Elt n. 

O., however, in common with M. B. and 0., has another 



form of this participle ending in an affix, whose special type is 
W- The forms may be brought together for comparison — 

O. Sing. Yft*ft m «» ^f%*ft/> Wt^}** 

M. (neater) Sing. ?JZWT m. f ^Ztft/, ^lf »• 

„ (active) „ TETtfWT «.i ^(fwtitf; ^fttlW »• 

O. PL wt%wr «•• ^iWt/-, wt^rt •• 

M. (neuter) PL ^p% m., J§ZWT/-> *Jdlfl »• 

„ (active) „ ^ftftftm., #tfTOT/.» ^MMY«- 

B - ^faW> in Old-B. ^f^nTT (only «»«d at a tense combined with as), 
e^fc% " having seen." 

O. ^faw (the same), ^fa% id. 

The Bhojpuri dialect of Hindi has also an indeclinable past 
participle *TITW, in some districts also *J|t\<4l> fr° m which it 
forms a tense. 

Here the junction vowel varies much. In B. O. and the 
active of M. it is f\ In G., on the other hand, it is H, while 
in the neuter of M. it is a. M. has a long string of verbs, both 
active and neuter, with the junction vowel d ; some of these are 
causals by origin, as JJdS "flee," p.p. IJ35TWT, for pa!&-il& (as 
in B. and O. MUlIf^). Others, again, owe the long vowel to a 
Skr. ay, as ^W "fly," p.p. ^TRTT, Skr. B^gftni l/^ + ^t- 
Others are denominatives, as ^Vif "be dazzled," <(1m<m, Skr. 
^Mf<IA; there are, however, some which I am not able to 
explain on any of the above grounds. The list comprises 
about thirty verbs only, and in twenty-five of them participles, 
with the junction vowel a, are also in use. 

The usual explanation of this form in / is that it is derived 
from the Skr. p.p.p. in ita, through Pr. ido, by change of ^ to 
>§, and thence to if. The change is undoubtedly possible as 
far as >f and W are concerned, or as far as jf and ^ are con- 
cerned; but the change from ? to >f is a great stumbling-block. 
The great authority of Lassen (p. 363) is usually quoted in 


support of this view, but even he cannot avoid being struck by 
the coincidence between this and the Slavonic preterites in /. 

As regards the change from ^ to >f , it is observable that it 
only occurs in those Skr. preterites which contain a cerebral. 
Thus OTf becomes in Magadhi qft (Mr. 270). Here, however, 
there was evidently a form qrA = WZ= Wt, so that there is no 
question of a ^ at all. So also in ^TTC for ^TOT= «5TR^= 
°"TO= °^W (Mr. 227). The only other instance known to me is 
H% for *H! (Mr. 276), but here we may fairly assume a false 
analogy with *%= V*. So widespread a form as the modern 
participle in / must rest upon some firmer proof than the rare 
examples given above. 

I am disposed to think that we have in this partioiple the 
survival of an ancient form which has not been preserved in 
classical Sanskrit, nor in the written Prakrits. Perhaps (but 
here I tread on ground somewhat beyond my own domain) that 
type of the passive past in Skr. which ends in if or Uf may be 
the classical representative of this ancient form ; thus we have 
from Vw " cut," Win, from Vf5f^ " cleave," fHff:, and in some 
roots both forms, that in ff and that in if, stand side by side, 
thus Vu "fill," makes ^jf : and yftl, V*[% "push," ijff : and ^f : 

Even in the Slavonic langtiages, however, the characteristic / 
of the preterite is thought to have arisen from an original d, 
and that again from t. 1 If this be so, we have here an ancient 
change which took place before the separation of the various 
members of the Indo-European family, and not a mere local 
corruption confined to Indian ground. In Russian the pre- 
terite is a participle with forms for gender, thus from dielaf " to 
make,".pret. sing. dielaT m., dielala, dielalo n., pi. dielali mfn? 
In Servian the same form occurs, tri% " to shake," has — 

Sing, tr£sao m., tr^sla/., tr£slo n. 
PL tr£sli m. f tr£sle/., tr£sla n. 

1 Bapp, Verbal-organismus, vol. i. p. 99. 

1 Beiff, Bun. Grammar, p. 97; Bapp, toL i. 137. 


Compare Marathi — 

Sing. tr&salft, tr&sall, tr&sale. 
PL tr&sale, tr&salyi, tr&satf 

from Tnnif "to trouble." The similarity is striking, and seems 
to be more than a mere accidental coincidence. Moreover, 
the connection between this Slavonic / and n is shown in 
more than one instance. Thus, the Russian verb has from nes 
" to drag " a pret. past sing. nes£n m., nes6na /., neseno n., 
pi. neseny. The same form occurs in the Czech. 

But we are getting beyond bounds. The comparison is 
attractive, and, if there were time to study the Slavonic 
languages as well as the Indian, might perhaps be worked out 
to some conclusive result. All that can be said at present is that 
two groups of the same family have a preterite in /, and that 
there may be some connection between the two ; while, on the 
other hand, the derivation of this preterite from a past participle 
in t seems strained and ill-supported as regards the Indian 
group, and if true for the Slavonic group, must have occurred 
a long while ago, before the separation of the families, and has 
strangely failed to leave any traces of itself in the most im- 
portant language of the Indian group in its most cultivated 

§ 46. Let us turn to matters more within our scope. The 
passive past participle is the only part of the modern verb 
which affords an exception to the general rule of the un- 
changeableness of the stem-syllable. Each one of the modern 
languages has a few such participles, which, being derived 
from the Prakrit developments of the Skr. p.p.p., differ from their 
respective verbal stems, which latter are derived generally from 
the form of the root used in the present tense. These early 
Tadbhava participles, as they may justly be called, are most 
numerous in Sindhi. Trumpp gives (p. . 273) a list of no 


lees than 140 of them, a number which far exceeds that to be 
found in any other of the languages. They owe their existence 
chiefly to the omission in Skr. of the intermediate ^, so that 
the affix 7T of the p.p.p. is added directly to the root, and when 
this root ends in a consonant, there arises a strong or mixed 
nexus, which in Prakrit has to be dealt with according to the 
ordinary phonetic laws. Sometimes, as we saw in § 14, the 
stem of the verb itself is entirely borrowed from the p.p.p., 
and in that case the modern participle does not differ from the 
rest of the verb ; but when the ordinary stem is derived from 
the older present, and only the participle from the old p.p.p., 
the two differ so much that it is difficult at first sight to recog- 
nize the connection between them. 

The verbs given in § 19 have mostly old Tadbhava participles, 
and it is through these participles that the clue is found to the 
derivation of the verb. Thus— 

8TBM. 8KB. P.P.P. 8KB. PR. 

^* "be bound" \ V^ TOt (quasi ^fafl **ft). 

lf*|" bind » j ^ft WW 

TO "be heard" ) , .. 

|S«he.r» }'**** ** 

XII " be cooked " 
^«cook w 
WW" get" 
WW "be got" 
3J3? " be milked " 
3gf " milk " 
^f « torment " 
*^" be broken" 
*PT " break " 
1)3 "be fried" 

Vit T* 

wtfr w *nft 
















*}J (analogy of 


p.p.p. an. PR. 

fipr "break" ) * 

^T "be heard" W^ ^ ^11 

VHf M hear M J *jlU|^lft (regular modern form) 

^PU" raise" l/^f ^Wt ^BW ^t^t 


J Vf* ft ft f#t 

"be killed" 
ITf " rub " 
TO " be rubbed " 
Vf "touch" ) 

^«b«to«ched»j V ^ ^ V ^ 

The exact coincidence of these participles with the Sanskrit 
and Prakrit confirms the derivation of the verbal stems given 
in § 19. There are many others equally instructive as retain- 
ing the Prakrit form ; thus, for instance, we can explain the 
following : 

8. 8KB. 8. P.P.P. 8KB. PB. 

flfa" smear," t/fint ftnft f*H ffPrft 

7IH "warm," Vflt^ JHlt HH *Tfft 

?|*f" sleep," VWH *pft ^H l^t 

in" g«t," Vitth ^rnft uro *rnftp] 

TOW " bring," V'^IRt ^It^t ^Hrfhf 

So also the origin of ^n " wipe out," is obscure, till we 
look at the p.p.p. UMdl, which leads to Skr. ^TC, and then we 
see that ughanu is for ugahanu=udghar8hanam. The participles 
in tho similarly explain themselves, as 

8. 8KB, 8. P.P.P. 8KB. PB. 

tTO "see," Vfl f*?ft J$ tt^ft 

TO "ram," t/f* TOt, ^ft, *3t ^8 ^ 


8. PJJ. 8KB. PR. 

ftf,l)t" enter/ VnftP^ tfcjt Ufa* J n^ 

^t^l ** grind/' Vf^\ ^ftit fW ft^t 

Tf*« be pleased/ 9 VW* 1J3t 1JS *J?t 

The next three words have old Tadbhava participles in 
almost all the languages of this group : 

fTO^ "give," p.p.p. f^pft, Pr. f^ljt* 

*^ "do/* ^ffaff, ftN?t» ^PJt» 8kr. WT» Pr- fttfV* «** 

under H. 

JR^ " die," „ jft, ipft, Skr. ^f, Pr. ipft. 

Another class is composed of denominatives or neuter verbs 
with the causal type dm (§ 28). These are 

Iofin. UtnjJW " to boil over/' P-P-P ^Wflft 

UIJ14JJS " to be extinguished," „ ^JT^ft 

^fnnj u to fly/' vs€inn 

IJMI^IUI " to decrease/' „ UMIUH 

<flW<| " to be barn V' » *§THft 

f*HH*W " to be extinguished/' „ T^|4fl IHlY 

froTOig " to be sow," „ fronift 

There is, as already mentioned, considerable obscurity as to 
the derivation of these words : uddmanu is, however, certainly 
from Skr. ud-dl, p.p.p. dlna; ujh&manu perhaps from Skr. ut-kshi y 
p.p.p. kshina; trikdmanu from Skr. vikrl, p.p.p., however, not 
krina y but krtta. On the analogy of those verbs whose p.p.p. 
ended in na f may have been formed the modified p.p. in no for 
all verbs of the class, regardless of the fact that in the classical 
language the causal p.p. would end in dpita, e.g. sthdpita. In 


Hindi, also, stems ending in & take this p.p. in no in the poets 

M ftPCT, P-P- ft^wV, or apocopated n, as f^TT p.p. fWPI • 

The above remarks explain nearly half the words in 
Trumpp's list, for the rest the uncertainty is too great to 
admit of satisfactory explanation. Trumpp, for instance, would 
derive ^TfTJ "to satisfy," and yPTIg "to be satisfied/' fromSkr. 
V^Q> ^rfft, but the p.pp. JT^t can hardly represent <TJf « 
Others again there are whose p.p. is intelligible, while the 
infinitive is not. ^Tft "engaged" (in work) explains itself by 
Skr. ijflf , Pr. ^rft, clearly enough, but its infinitive should be 
jufanu or Junjanu (Pa. *prf?l) . Whence then comes it that the 
infinitive isjumbanu ? So also rudho "busily employed" is clearly 
Skr. ^[ ( V(J, one form of the infinitive rujhanu is regularly 
derived from Skr. ^qft, but what are we to say to another 
form rumbhanu or rubhanu ? 

Panjabi has several of the same early Tadbhava participles 
as Sindhi, and a few of its own. The total number, however, 
is much smaller than in Sindhi. The commonest are 


flTrT (dialectically also ^ft?T). 

?nt (also jrrtn = str. irnr)- 

V& O 1 * 80 t^TT mere Sindhico). 
Wf*TO> instead of classical tTN*- 

Xff^Jl, Sindhi id. through HT^Ft- 

*iTwr " do,» 



*PHT " go," 


^TRIPVT " know," 


^aUTT " see," 


^TT " give," 

%mT " take," 


*TTWT " »in," 




^UTT " fell," 


^VfUTT " Wnd »" 


M$|(Q*M "recognize,' 1 

9 *wnn 

ftr^TT " sew," 


^ftUTT " sleep," 






qi^HT " arrive," 






ftHVIIII " marry,'' 



^ffUTT u say," 



^f^UII " remain," 



In the two last the ^ has leapt over into the preceding 
syllable, and kihd, rihd, are for kahid, rahid, respectively. The 
above list nearly, if not quite, exhausts the early Tadbhava 
participles of Panjabi, and Hindi influence is already at work 
in favour of the ordinary type. 

§ 47. Gujarati 

has, like Panjabi, a 

smaller number of thes< 

participles than Sindhi. 




^3 "do" 

*raf, *ftft 






iffft^Pf " arrive" 



f^itt 4)& 


*ftft* "fear" 






VSM4|4 " produce " 

^rit °*tft 

'cffCTfT (present utpadyate) 


*ftrtt **ft 

f9ram(pres. nishpadyate) 

lft*J" drink" 



^" sleep" 



?|^ " die " 









^pt" enter" 





JfE (present nasyati) 





In the instances of ktdho, blhtdho, khddho, pidho, and dtdho, 
we Lave probably formations based on the analogy of lidho, for 
the exception of blhtdho, which may owe its dh to a com- 
bination of the h and d of Pr. vihido, there is no older form 
which would yield dh. The origin of these forms will be 
more folly inquired into under Hindi, where they are well 

So far does the original meaning of these participles appear 
to have been obscured, that from them a participle ending in 
elo is also formed, and they say ktdhelo, dtthelo, and the like, 
where the participial element occurs twice. The ordinary verb 
having two forms of participle, one in yo, the other in elo, the 
verbs in the above list were bound to have them also, and 
instead of adding elo to the stem, and making kareh, Itelo, 
it has been added to the already formed early Tadbhava 

There appears to be a slight difference in meaning be- 
tween the two forms of the Gujarati past participle, that 
in elo being somewhat more emphatic than that in yo. Thus 
if ^iraft ^ " I am come," but ^ Wfat tf " I am come," 
(empi utically). 

Marathi has early Tadbhava participles, and it has others, 
which are accounted irregular by the grammarians from 
other causes. The former are not numerous, and are chiefly 
found in the same stems as in the other languages. Thus we 
have — 

*rr "go," p.p.p. Starr 

If M come, M „ mmi 

in; * die," „ ^wr 

% "take" (wear), „ WRTT 

*T " do," „ %*T 



Stems ending in ^exhibit Z in the participle, as 

^Rlf " dig," p.p.p. 

Tf^f "speak," „ 

fPJ "slay," „ fTTQT 

The explanation of these words is apparently to be found in 
a contraction of syllables ; thus Skr. V V^ " dig " forms 
regularly p.p.p. ^THf* hut the if being changed to lg in Prakrit, 
a p.p.p. ^rftpf would be legitimately formed, whence W1&, to* 
which, forgetful of the fact that this is already a participle, M. 
adds its own participial termination WT, and by rejection of 
the nasal arrives at igZWT* So also Vvfl!> P-P-P- *ffiRI > whence 
ipt; and 7f£ + WT* Skr. ^n has p.p.p. ^7f, but a Pr. form 
^flpf would be, and is, used, whence J^, and the stem-vowel 
having been lengthened, fTZ + Wt- 

To a similar retention of the if of the Skr. p.p.p. may be 
attributed the following, though the etymology is in some 
cases very obscure : 

% " take," 
^ " washed," 

TO " see." 
HI* " ask, 1 
«rtT " tell,' 

^rr " cat," 



^flTT " taken." 
\J7TOT " washed." 
*f%fWT " seen." 
ifrf^nraT " asked. 


^TWT " eaten." 

In § 15 it was shown that Pr. inserts ^f in forms like 
ghettum, ghett&na, which may be a retention of if in grihita. 
In the next four words on the list there seems to be a double 
participle, as in G. kidhelo, etc. The origin of ^TW is unknown 
to me, it looks like an early causal of % take. In ^JT the p.p. 
is apparently a contraction of ^rrf^VL Skr. ^rrf^ff . 


§ 48. Hindi has very few of these participles. In the 
classical language only the following are in use : 

^RTTTT " do," ftWT " done." 

*n;iT " die," ipn « dead." 

%lfT " take," ftRTT " taken. 

^TT " give," f^TT " given. 

WRT " go," *RTT " gone 



All the other verbs in the language form this participle 
from the common stem used in all the other tenses, though 
in the mediaeval poets some of the old Tadbhava participles are 
found, as ditthau "seen," tutthau "pleased/' {tmhta) in Chand* 
The three verbs kar, le, and de, however, have several peculiar 
forms in Old-H., and in the mediaeval poets, which are still 
heard in some of the rustic dialects. There are three parallel 

^ has 5. ^foft or fatfi. M- *SWt or fa^t iii. qfcft or fWl* 
^ » i. ^Wt or f^Eft. ii. ^ift orf^fft iii. ^faft or f^ft. 
% » i. ^ffaft or flr^ft. & ^Wt or ftnfr iii. tffcft or ftuTl. 

The curious thing about these three verbs is that every two 
of them have borrowed a form peculiar to the third. For 
kiyau is properly the participle of kar, Skr. mi, Pr. ftf^t and 
fqreft. It has been borrowed by le and de. So dlnau belongs 
to de, Skr. ^fi, Pa. and Pr. f^ft, and has been borrowed by 
kar and le. Also lidhau belongs to le, Skr. W*$y Pa. and Pr. 
^HFt, and has been borrowed by kar and de. We cannot 
get kinau or kidhau phonetically from V 9T> nor diyau and 
dldhau from V «^T, nor ttyau and linau from V lRt> without 
forcing etymology. These three verbs are so constantly used 
together, and fall in so conveniently for rhymes in the poets, 
that it is not surprising that, in the general decay and con- 
fusion of forms out of which the modern languages sprung, 
they should have borrowed from one another. To begin with. 


onr oldest author, Chand, ftreft, flflft, and f^tft, all occur 
frequently, with the first vowel both long and short, and the 
final vowel occasionally cut off if it happens to be in the way 
of the metre, qptrr finft ^fcftf I " The girl made lamenta- 
tion " (Pr. E. i. 171). It is long in 

__^^^__^^^ ______ ________ ^_^^__^g£ ^_^^^^__ 

" He then made reflection on all sides." — xx. 20. 

"He made preparation for going." — xx. 28. 
Apocopated, as <^faf and ^ffa in 

" He entrusted the fort to the castellan, 
Made a going to the eastern country." — xx. 29. 

___2 _____ aHH ^^_ _^^^^^^^^^ _____» _^^^__^ «_ 

WTO *W TuW *R TOW • 

" Took all shouting and playing on drums." — ib. 

A form with a occurs for le and de only, as wft f'PT ~~C 
iftn | " -bo* Brahmins and gurus, saying" (ib. 20), and 
^ ~l "HIT "Nf ^TT I " When the maiden gave her troth to the 
bridegroom" (ib. 22). 

Commonest by far is the second form with either long or 
short vowel, in the latter case generally with doubling of the 
following consonant, and very frequently with the last vowel 
apocopated. Of these types that with the double consonant is 
nearest to the Prakrit, and thus presumably the oldest, the 
rejection of one consonant and lengthening of the preceding 
vowel is a later feature. In Chand, however, there is no distinc- 
tion between the two ; so that one rhymes with the other, as in 

$*r vex far *nw wr *iyi ts 4\*m b 

"In his private apartments Prithiraj dallied with his wives and 
In saffron robes and turbaned head he made the sport of love." 

— xxi. 22. 

tol. m. 10 


So also wfz Vftrft f*rf%l ftWT "having plundered the land, 
he has taken treasure" (xxi. 89). In this passage the pre- 
ceding line ends with ftffPT- (In Hindi (w = au, so kinnav is 
to be read kinnau, etc.) 

faffil*! ^ *RPI ftllft «l(X< 1 

" Smiling the king accepted the espousal." — xx. 23. 

*l* ^rj fire ^HT '■Wt i 

" He poured (gave) a thousand jars over Siva, 
Then he took a vow to fast three (days)." — L 189. 

See also the quotation at p. 268 of Yol. II. 
Instances of the apocopated form occur chiefly at the end of 
a line; as 

^TCHfta TOT ?{3fTO 4N I 

" Having gone ten hot he made a halt, 
Tillages and towns between he plundered." — i. 208. 

" Parimal gave the order for fighting." — xxi. 5. 

The third form is more frequently found with de 9 to which it 
least of all belongs, and has an additional termination iya 
sometimes attached to it, as 

"He gave gifts and honours abundant." — i. 342. 

In this passage it rhymes with KfiTO, which ought perhaps 
to be read f^rf^J " having taken." 

There is an instance of the natural change into the palatal in 

vitt iw ^ira <v W«ra i 

" Carts and boats he went and stopped; 
Alha and TJdal he suffered not to alight." — xxi. 86. 


for fwft and f^ft respectively. This latter occurs frequently, 
in a slightly altered shape — 

" DhundM gave a blessing to the king." — i. 305. 

firfipcrw wrff ^t ^r f^r i 

"Prithir&j gave him two provinces." — ib. 307. 

All three types may be found repeatedly throughout the 
poem. In later times, as in Tula Das and in Braj poetry 
generally, these verbs take the forms wfa^t, *lWt> and ^^, 
and the last syllable is occasionally apocopated as in Chand. 
Thus Tulsi Das— 

"In this way he performed all the ceremony of cremation, 
Having duly bathed, he presented the offering of sesamum." 

— Ay-k. 894. 

*rtff um^t ^t*t 3?; *frn i 

" The guru hath given me good advice." — ib. 928. 

" Then why has he taken an army with him ? " — ib. 982. 

The above examples may suffice for these special types, 
which have no analogy with other preterites in H. Oriya and 
Bengali have few such forms, for 0. KWU and qRfT are merely 
contractions of Jft^STT and WftWF, from ^ " die," and q^ 
"do," respectively. From *IT "go," 0. WWI, B. ifar, is about 
the only real old Tadbhava in those two languages. 

§ 49. The participial tenses formed from the past participle 
are analogous to those from the present. In ordinary Hindi 
the participle itself is used as a past tense, without any relic of 
the substantive verb ; it will have been noticed that in all the 
passages quoted in the last section, the participle must be trans- 
lated as a preterite, and this is the case in the modern language, 


both for active and neuter verbs, as bold " he said," Myd " he 
did." In the mediaeval poets, however, and to this day in the 
rustic dialects of Oudh and the eastern Hindi area, there exists 
a preterite with terminations retaining traces of the incorpora- 
tion of the old substantive verb. Before these terminations the 
long d and I of the p.p. masculine and feminine are shortened, 
and the vowel of the masculine is often replaced by e. Thus 
we have (mdr " strike ") — 

SING. 1. 2. 3. PL. 1. 2. 3. 

/. *rrfr* *nfv* Trt??5 *ntrf*t mfcr *ntrf*t 

Also in m. M\\^ f etc. In the sing. 2, 3, the syllable fir is often 
added, as 4J|^ftj, and variated into f%, as 4|j\ff m -y M[V<XH> 
HTftff/ Thus *[%* f^ftf f^T VfT T*PTTOT "he'went re- 
joicing, holding in his heart Raghun&tha " (Tulsi Das, Earn. 
Sund-k. 4), ^%4 ^RTf TTO IT ^TT "I have seen with my 
eyes the messenger of Ham" (ib. 12). Tulsi does not observe 
the gender very closely, if at all, — ijpf MOtT^ ^3T!% ^ , ^JT I 
" Again she gave up even dry leaves" (Bal-k. 155), TO$f% 
Wt*P! ^FTf ^5Tf I " She asked, the people, why is this re- 
joioing P" (Ay-k. 87). But the feminine is kept in fj|4|q|f^(i| 
f^R ^f*|U ^ftflf I "The flatteress has given instruction to 
(has prompted) thee" (Ay-k. 101). The type ending in «i, 
though used for both 2 and 3 sing., more strictly belongs, I 
think, to 2 sing, from Skr. asi; but in this tense the traces of 
the substantive verb are so much abraded that it is difficult to 
speak with certainty about them. The following handful of 
instances, taken at hazard from one page of the Sundara- 
k&nda of Tulsi* s work, will show the various senses in which, 
this affix is used : wmfc TOT ^n ftdM ^Wft " He eats the 
fruit, and tears up the bushes " (S-k. 40), ^ Jfl^fa W§ H$ti& 
^nn OWilftl ^(t B " Some he slew, some he trampled under 
foot, some he caused to mix with the dust," ?ff if^ftf ^W! ?l 


^farr i %ff $ to ^t%Rt to ^Nn i *ifaft ^rro *j*tf% *rft 

^ftRf I . . . . intftr f*ffTOT %ff TO^TOT I "Saith the lord of 
Lanka, who art thou, and what P By whose strength hast thou 
torn to pieces the forest, hast thou never heard of my fame, . . . 
for what fault hast thou killed the demons?" (ib.) Panjabi 
throws no light on the subject, as it does not use this form, but 
employs the participle simply as a tense, as mat, tit, uh mdrid, 
" I, thou, he, smote." Indeed, to such an extent in H. and P. 
has this custom of using the bare participle as a preterite tense 
prevailed, that it cannot now be used in any other sense, and if 
we wish to say "smitten," we must not use H. mdrd or P. 
mdrid alone, but must add the participle of the modern sub- 
stantive verb, and say H. mdrd h&d, P. mdrid hoid. The only 
trace in P. of the old substantive verb is to be found in a 
dialectic form which I have often heard, though it does not 
seem to be used in writing, as qftfffc "he did," which is 
probably to be referred to S. gn?t{f%. The grammarians, 
however, suppose that kitos is in some way a metathesis of us ne 
ktta, so that kitd+us = kitos. The instrumental, however, of 
uh "he," is not us ne, but un; us ne is Hindi, and would 
hardly have been resorted to in the formation of a pure 
dialectic type like this. Moreover, in the 1 plural we have 
such expressions as ^rt^ETt, which is evidently khdnde+ f sa, for 
asd = asmdh. 

Different from modern, but strikingly similar to mediaeval, 
Hindi in this respect is Sindhi, which does not employ the 
participle singly as a preterite, but, except in the 3 sing, and 
pL, has relics of the substantive verb incorporated with it, thus 
(hal « go ")— 

sing. 1. 2. 3. PL. 1. 2. 3. 

•••iTTOra in if (WHi irroreT fi^rro ittof 


By comparing these terminations with those of the S. future, 


which is based upon the present participle (§ 41), it will be 
seen that they are absolutely identical, thus : 

halandu -si corresponds to haliu -si. 
halandia -si „ halia -si. 

haland& -si „ haliA -si. 

halandiu -si „ haliu -si. 

etc. etc. 

and the terminations may, in the case of the preterite, there- 
fore, as well as in that of the future, be referred to the old Skr. 
verb as in various degrees of decay. 

Marathi exhibits the same analogy between the present and 
the preterite ; to its p.p. in WT #*., wt/., % ft., etc., it adds the 
same terminations as to the present p. in TIT #*•> lft/-> *f *•> etc. 

Sing. 1. gZWtm., TJZ^f/-, ^ZWt»* 

PI. 1. ^Z^U fn./i n. 

2. ^ZHt id. 

3. 33% m. °WT/- °lfif »• 

The forms exactly agree with those of the present, as will be 
seen by turning to § 42. There is no conditional as in the 
present. When it desires to use this form in an adjectival 
sense, M., having apparently forgotten its originally participial 
nature, adds another HWT, thus we get ift%f *PTRTT " a dead 
animal/' ^tiNVT JJ^T "a made (i.e. experienced) man." The 
fact so well established for S. and M. may help us to under- 
stand, if we cannot fully explain, the preterites of 0. and B., 
which are formed in the same way. From a p.p. ^faw> O. 
constructs a preterite, thus — 

Sing. 1. ^f^Tfa 2. ^fe^ 3. ^felTT, 
PI. L^ftJ 2. ^f%* 3.^fa%, 


where the terminations correspond exactly with those of the 
conditional, which is similarly formed from the present par* 
Bengali does the same (pace the Pandits), as — 

sing. i. ^fag 2. ^feftr 3. ^few. 

Here the 3 sing, has also ^fcifa with a final q|, as in the 
imperative and future, concerning which see § 53. The 1 sing, 
in nu is frequently heard in speaking, and is very common in 
the old poets, as ^Pft£3 faPT <J*U "I saw the fair one looking 
woe-begone " (Bidyapati, vii. 1), where some read xff^J. 

In Gujarati the participle is used alone as a preterite in both 
forms, that in yo and that in elo, but more frequently a modern 
substantive verb is added for greater clearness. This language 
has no traces of the old incorporated Sanskrit as. 

§ 50. In the past tenses of all but B. and 0. theprayogas or 
constructions mentioned in Yol. II. p. 264, are employed. In 
most of the languages, indeed, their use is restricted to the past 
tenses. The direct or kartd prayoga is used with neuter verbs, 
and requires the subject to be in the nominative case, while the 
participle, which does duty for a preterite, changes with the 
gender of the speaker. Thus 

H. Tf% iftWT " be spoke," 5 *ft% " those men spoke." 

*P| tftVt " *he spoke," % ^ffaflf " those women spoke." 

So, also, in P. S. and G. In M. the principle is the same, 
though there is more variety of forms : 

ift *fZ*TT " he said," % ¥{3$ " HH dixenint." 

ift ?VZ*ft " she said," *JT 7f3CTT " M» dixenint." 

7f **Zif " it said," tf *fZ*fif " iUa dizernnt." 

And so through all the persons except 1 and 2 plural, where no 


distinction of gender is necessary, as the speaker is known. Tn 
the active verb, however, the karma or objective construction is 
used, where the subject is put in the instrumental, the verb 
agreeing in number and gender with the object. Thus, H. 
5f *J J[Q % 1% *%S\K ^f 'ft % "I have spoken very harsh 
words to you " (Sak. 33). Here the subject ma% ne is in the 
instrumental, the verb kahe hat is masc. plural, to agree with the 
object vachan, %7B( % $GT ^V iftw fifWIT i^M\ (*• 39) "Destiny 
has joined just such a joining" (has brought about such a 

So also in M. the p.p. is declined for all three genders in 
both numbers so as to agree with the object, as Jgfif tfrA' 
f lf*nH "he read the book/' where v&chitt is fern, sing., to 
agree with pothl. In M. and S. many verbs are both active 
and neuter, in which case the preterite has a double construc- 
tion, direct or hartd when the verb is used as a neuter, objective 
or karma when it is used as an active. So also in G. The dis- 
tinction appertains to syntax, and not to f ormlore, and need not 
be more than mentioned here. 

There is also a third or impersonal construction technically 
known as bhdva, in which the object is not expressed, and the 
verb, therefore, remains always in the neuter. In M., however, 
this construction is used even when the object is expressed, as 
ftrft mTOT Hlfl^f "he beat him," literally "by him to him 

§ 51. The participle of the future passive, which in Sanskrit 
ends in ?pq, plays an important part in the modern verb in 
some languages. It does not, like the two previously noticed 
participles, form modern participles, but rather various kinds of 
verbal nouns, such as in Latin grammar we are familiar with 
under the names of gerunds and supines, also the infinitive. 
The Latin gerund itself is, however, closely allied to the parti- 
ciple of the future passive, for amandi, amando, amandum, are 


respectively the genitive, dative, and accusative of amandu*. 
There is, therefore, a participial nature inherent in these forms 
which justifies their inclusion in the present chapter. The Skr. 
tavya becomes in Pr. dawa, and with elision of the d, awa. 
Thus Skr. ^(vjfl^, Pr. Wtft^?> ^tf%niW- So also Pr. 
ifX^Tj ift^rar, which must be referred to a Sanskrit form 
*f3(7ra rather than to the classical form qrcta, for Prakrit, as 
mentioned before, generally takes no heed of Sanskrit subtle- 
ties about inserting or omitting the intermediate \, but treats 
all verbs alike, as if that letter were inserted, and it naturally 
gives the type to its modern descendants in all cases. 

The treatment of the form so inherited from the Prakrit 
differs in the various languages, both in form and meaning. 

Sindhi uses it as a present passive participle ending in ibo, 
Pr. Qf\j|ft, losing the a and the first v of the suffix, becomes 
^rf^t, meaning "being done." The transition from the 
original sense of "that which is to be (or must be) done," into 
" that which is being done," is simple and natural. Examples 

3JFrei§ " to choke/ 9 ynfc^ " being choked." 

^TpJ M to cheat/' ^tff^t " being cheated." 

ipra " to seize." IffWWt " being seized." l 

Gnjarati differs from Sindhi in rejecting the ^ and retaining 
the ^J, thus making ^RCft " being done," as ^Vfft »»., 4t/*> 
^ n., etc., "being loosed ;" WPFTt> however, means "bringing," 
where the sense has become active. The neuter of this form 
does duty as an infinitive, as 3|Y "to go," of which more 

In Marathi the vowel preceding the w is lengthened, and 
one v rejected, giving a form ^R^T^f, which is the some for 
active and neuter verbs. The meaning, to judge by the 

1 Trumpp, p. 54. 


examples quoted, has also changed, for although properly the 
same as in the older languages, " that which has to be done/' it 
is used in constructions where it implies "the doing" of a thing 
only. It takes all three genders, and is commonly used also in 
the genitive and dative cases 4<iq€|)^f and 44jq<||4l, or 
«KI«mU. Thus j( *ft <Kiq<U4l fSRT ^Rtt "I am ready to do 
that " (i.e. " to the doing of "), *UM<qi<ft litfl 'ftlT^rif ^lf| 
" I have something to say to you," i.e. " with you something of 
that which must be said I am." Thus it approximates some- 
what to the infinitive of GK, as in the following passage : 

" It is proper not to associate, to be separated from the world; 
It is proper to preserve solitude, not to speak at all ; 
People, wealth, self it is proper to consider as vomit." 

— Tukaram. Abh. 1885. 

Here vdte (Skr. q^}) means "it seems," i.e. "it seems 
proper," like Latin decet, oportet, licet, used impersonally, and 
the participle agrees with the object. Thus sanga and ek&nta 
being masc., the participles are masc. kardvd and sevdvd ; tndt 
(Skr. Trnn) being fern., boldvi is fern, also ; jag, vaman neut., 
hence durdvdven, lekhdven neut. The original meaning of a 
passive participle may be exhibited by supposing the sentence 
to be " society is not to be made . . . this seems proper," which 
is easily inverted into the rendering given above. 

When used in the genitive or dative case, the ^ sometimes 
drops out, and they say, for instance, Kl+fW ^HlflOf f^ 
q%W " We shall have to go to another country," for *nWT> 
literally " to us in another country of going it will fall." Latin 
would here use the corresponding passive participle, Nobis 
eundum erit, or Skr. gantavyam asti. 

Panjabi has apparently no trace left of this participle, nor 


has classical Hindi, but in rustic Hindi, especially in the 
eastern parts of its area, as well as in Bengali and Oriya, this 
participle exists. In Bhojpuri it ends in % or ^, without any 
junction-vowel, and means the doing of anything, as ?pi% if 
%1PT sunbe na kailan, "they did not make a hearing" i.e. "they 
would not listen," HTPft 1 if^Sf mdnve na karUiaX, " they will 
not make an obeying" i.e. " they will not obey." l It is more 
emphatic than a simple preterite or future, and implies that the 
persons referred to obstinately refused to hear or obey. 

In B. and 0. it is a simple infinitive, but as a noun is de- 
clined in all cases, thus B. 0. ^f^RT "to see," genitive ^ftgqi ^ 
" of seeing," etc. As a noun, it also implies the act of doing 

anything, as 0. 9TQ *fal ^jftPIT ^t* ^ TTTTT * TO "the 
hearing of, or listening to, obscene songs, is a fault, the singing 
(of them) is a crime " (see § 74). 

§ 52. The tenses formed from this participle come next 
to be considered. In Sindhi the old substantive verb is 
incorporated, just as in the tenses derived from the present 
and past participles, but it is used to form a future passive 
from active verbs only, as (chhad "abandon"), "I shall be 
abandoned," etc. 

Siog. m. 1. ^ffjfa 2. tgf^fif 3. Ctftuft 

/ 1. ^Plfanfa 2. Qfeffftll 3. ^f*f\ 

PI. m. 1. i^fMUft 2. 5fiq<3 3. ^fipfT 

/- 1- flffttWrtff 2. ^ftfllvA 3. ^tlfW^fe 

Here the terminations are precisely identical in every respect 
with those of the active future and preterite, exhibited in the 
preceding sections. 

In Gnjarati this participle used alone, and inflected for 

1 Kellogg, Grammar, p. 231. 


gender, constitutes what the grammar-writers are pleased to 
call the second present of the second potential mood. It is, 
however, really a construction of the objective, or karma, kind, 
in which the verb agrees with its object, and the subject or 
agent is in the instrumental or (as usual in G. in this con- 
struction) in the dative; thus they say *f|^ or^f ^ftfft "I 
ought to release," i.e. " by me it is to be released," ift^ or^f 
qViprni V^Wt " y ou ought to have confidence," i.e. " by thee 
trust is to be made," Skr. ^TT ftpVTCn *nfa:. 

The genitive case also, oddly enough, forms a tense of its 
own, also with no trace of the old substantive verb, as 
^tf^rnft m -> *ft/> *t *»• The meaning seems hardly, if at all, 
distinguishable from that of the nominative, and the construc- 
tion is objective, as in that tense ; thus % *mq ^OTI^ Cf<q|4 
" the work which we ought to do." I am not altogether satis- 
fied, however, with the explanation of this tense as the genitive 
of the above participle, and would suggest that it may possibly 
be derived from the Atmane. pres. part, in mdna, like bhava- 
m&na. It is possible, I think, that though the Atmanepada 
has dropped out of use at an early epoch, yet that this parti- 
ciple, not being specially recognized as belonging to that phase 
of the verb, may, in some dialects, have held its own. From 
the want of documents of the intermediate period, however, the 
question is one which must remain, for the present at least, 

Marathi combines the terminations used by it in the indica- 
tive present and past, with this participle also, but, from a 
memory of its origin, employs the tense so formed somewhat in 
the same way as Gk, namely, as indicating that a thing ought 
to be or should be done. From this strict and primary sense 
other subsidiary meanings branch out, as might be expected. 
The neuter verb uses the direct or kartd construction, also the 
bhdva or impersonal ; the active uses the karma and bh&va. As 
it is only in the direct construction that the verb is conjugated 


for person, it is only in the neuter verb that the verbal termi- 
nations occur. Thus (sut " escape ") — 

Sing. m. 1. T$mm 2. "TOT 3. o^T H. 1. °% 2. ^ 3. o^ 

The 2 plural here differs from the other tenses in preserving 
a separate form for all three genders, in which the final t 
recalls the termination of the 2 plural of the Sanskrit opta- 

In the active verb with the karma construction, the participle 
is declined for all three genders of both numbers, but in the 
nominative case only, and the agent is in the instrumental, 
thus *nt, *t or wn 4ft4W -^t ^f , etc., " I, thou, he, should 
loose/' In both neuter and active, when the bh&va construction 
is used, the verb stands in the neuter singular with all persons, 

as ^*W or 4)4 ft- 

Stevenson (p. 101) distinguishes no less than fourteen dif- 
ferent senses of this tense, but the distinctions seem somewhat 
too finely drawn, and belong rather to the department of con- 
ventional usage than to that which deals with the organism and 
structure of the language. 

With a short a preceding the characteristic q, which is all 
that remains of the participial ending, M. forms a whole po- 
tential mood, which may even be looked upon as a separate 
phase of the verb. Thus (sod "loose J 

Aorist (Past habitual) 9fWT ^ft^T " I used to be able to loose" (rare), 
Present „ 4144?? " I can loose," 

Preterite „ 4^4^ " I could loose " (rare), 

Future „ {ft 4^4! " I shall be able to loose," 

Imperfect „ 4j\44fl T^W " I could have loosed," 

Pluperfect „ 4^44^1 jf^f " I had been able to have loosed, 


and so on, through all the range of compound tenses. The 
construction is the Bh&va or impersonal throughout, showing 
that the form originates from the participle, and is to be 
literally rendered "by me to be loosed it is, or was," which 

accounts for the neuter form being used. 


§ 53. It is to this place that I would now refer the ba type of 
the future as used in B. and 0., and in the Bhojpuri dialect of 
Hindi. It has been usual to compare these tenses with the 
Latin future in bo, as amabo, and the comparison is tempting, 
but, as I now think, delusive. It rests upon the supposition 
that the b of the termination represents the substantive verb 
bh& ; but to this there are the seemingly fatal objections that 
bhit, in its modified form of bhava, had from very early times 
become ho, losing its labial element altogether, and that the 
present tense bhavdmi, etc., though much changed and worn 
away in modern times, always retains its characteristic Towel o, 
sometimes shortened to u or resolved into ua. It is only when 
an i follows the o, that the combination tit is at times shortened 
to e, as in 0. hebd=ho'ibL 

Judging by the analogy of the cognate languages, it seems 
that we ought now to see in the B. and 0. future the Skr. 
participle in tavya, in combination with the present tense of 
y/aa. The forms are (dekh, " see ") — 

B. Sing. 1. ^fcpr 2. ^ftft 3. ^f%^ °^ 

O. „ 1. ^faft 2. ^93 3. ^fcm 

Bhojpuri. „ 1. ^B^ 2. ^p| 3. ^ft 

B. PI. l.^fa 2. |fa*T^ 3. |faft*T 

o. „ i. ^fenj °wi 2. ^ftrc 3. ^ftft 

Bhojpuri. „ 1. ^pj 2. ^pf 3. ^f%ff 

The 3 sing, and 3 pi. of Bhojpuri may be excluded from this 


group, as they belong to the sa or ha type of the future (§ 35). 
The dialect of Biw& has some forms of the ba type, as 2 sing. 

infi^r, 1 pL *rrf^ «iw» ^ d *rrfr^, 2 pi. *rrft*T- t^© 

dialect of Oudh (Avadhi) has 1 sing. JTTT't* 2 <RlT^r> TTT%, 
1 pL ?TrcW> 2 «HTTWt> and in the old Purbi dialect TfT^I 
mdrab is used for all three persons of both numbers. 

There is thus apparent a general tendency to the use of the 
ba type of future throughout the eastern area of the Aryan 
territory in India, and it will be seen by comparing either B. 
or 0. terminations of the future with those of the tenses 
formed by those languages from the present and past parti- 
ciples respectively, that they are almost, if not quite identical. 






1. dekhant -t 

dekhil -• 

dekhib -i 

2. dekhant -u 

dekhil -u 

dekhib -u 

3. dekhant -d 

dekhil -A 

dekhib -d 


1. dekhant -t? 

dekhil -u 

dekhib -u 

2. dekhant -a 

dekhil -a 

dekhib -a 

3. dekhant -e 

dekhil -e 

dekhib -e 

As the analogy of the other languages compels us to see in 
these terminations abraded fragments of the present tense of 
as, when combined with the present and past participles, the 
same process of reasoning leads us to see the same element in 
combination with the future participle, and the 2 sing, of the 
Kiwft and Avadhi dialects further confirms this view by having 
preserved, like Marathi, the characteristic 8 of the Skr. 2 sing. 
asi. There is the same agreement of the final vowel in these 
three tenses of the B. verb, though it is not so accurately 
preserved as in the more archaic Oriya. Thus B. dekhib-a 
does not correspond with dekhit-dm, and dekhil-dm. So, also, 
B. dekhit-is differs from dekhiUi and dekhib-i. There is, how- 
ever, sufficient general similarity, and the differences consist 


mostly in this, that one tense lias preserved a more archaic 
form than the other, thus dekhitdm preserves Skr. asmi, Pr. 
amhi, better than dekhiba, dekhiti* preserves the s of <m, while 
dekhili and dekhibi have rejected it. Thus, while the abrasion 
of the substantive verb has been carried to so great a pitch in 
these two languages as almost to obliterate all traces of it, yet, 
from the general analogy of cognate forms, there is little doubt 
that we have in the ba future the Skr. participle in tavya. The 
final k in the 3 sing, of B. is a phenomenon for which I have 
in vain sought an explanation; the most probable one is, I 
think, that which considers it merely as a tag, or meaningless 
addition, but why a tag should have been added to this person 
merely, and not to others also, remains to be explained. 

§ 54. The two remaining types of the future may ap- 
propriately be introduced here. They are certainly participial 
tenses, though not participial in the same sense or on the same 
plan as the other tenses discussed in this chapter ; they are, in 
fact, exactly the reverse. Whereas, in the other participial 
tenses, it is the modern stem which is the participle, and the 
ancient verbal additions are a present tense, in the two types 
of future, which wte shall now examine, the modern stem is a 
present tense, and the ancient verbal addition is a participle. 

The first of the two is the ga type. This consists in adding 
H. sing, *n #*-> *fV /•> pi* *t fft-> *ft /-, to the aorist, and the 
same in P. except the pi./., which is *ffat. In the pi./. H. also 
ordinarily drops the anuswara. This type is only found in H. 
and P. The tense runs thus (sun " hear "), " I will hear," etc. 

H. Sing. 1. *Pfan 2. <p)«u 3. *JTT*TT 

„ PL 1. ?|ifit 2. ^pfti) 3. ^ft 

p. sing. i. furtar 2. g^fan 3. ;g%in 
„ pi. i. fflirft 2. ipfft 3. gupft 


If the reader will compare this example with that of the 
aorist in § 33, it will be at onee apparent that this tense is 
formed by adding the syllables gd, gi, etc., to that tense. 
Among the Mahomedans of Delhi and other large cities, this 
form is used even as a present, and one frequently hears such a 
word as haigd, for hai " it is." There can be little doubt that 
this gd is the Skr. p.p. IHT, Pr. inft, T^ft, *Nft. In H., as 
mentioned in § 48, the p.p. of jdnd " to go/' is gayd m., and 
this in the mediaeval poets is often shortened to gd. The/, is 
arf^ gaiy which easily becomes ^ft, so also pi. m. ?Hl becomes St. 
The meaning of the tense is thus, " I have gone (that) I may 
do/' a construction which recalls our English idiom "I am 
going to do," and French "je vais faire." The participial 
nature of the affix is shown by its being inflected for gender 
and number in concord with the agent. 

This type seems to be of late origin. It is not much, if at 
all, known or used by the early writers, who, except when they 
use the future of the ba type, generally express a future sense 
by the aorist only. As this method grew by degrees to be 
felt insufficient, the participle was added to give greater dis- 

§ 55. The second type is that which has / for its character- 
istic. Among the classical dialects Marathi only employs this 
form, and there has been much speculation about the Marathi 
future by those who only looked to the language itself. It 
had, however, long been known that a future with this type 
existed in the Marw&ri dialect, belonging to the Hindi area, 
and spoken over a large extent of country in Western Rajpu- 
tana. The able researches of Kellogg have recently placed us 
in possession of two more instances of a future of this type 
spoken in Nepal and by the mountaineers of Garhw&l, and 
Kumaon in the Himalayas, who are by origin Rajputs from the 

VOL. III. 11 



plains. Thus, the Marathi future now no longer stands alone, 
and we are in a position to compare the whole group of futures 
of the la type {par "fall," mdr « strike," ho " be/' tut, sod). 


Marw&ri. 1. ^Nft 
GayhwAli. 1. IfTTWt 
Kamaoni. 1. IfP^lft 
Nepali. 1. ^WT 
2 /neuter. 1. ^^f 

^ |^ active. 1. qtftl| 

Marw&ri. 1. M4|U|| 

Gafhwali. 1. 9TRCWT 

Kumaoni. 1. trn^KT 

Nepali. 1. ^iT 



neuter. 1. W& 


ive. 1. ^^ 

2. nWt 
2. HTf??Wt 

2. *n^h" 

2. *z€ta 
2. ^rtrwre 


2. iJltllT 

2. irf^rr 

2. UTTtrT 

2. f^wr 

2 • *ZTW 

2. ¥trrw 

3. nWt 
3. iTTTWt 
3. iTTTWt 

3. fun 


3. ^ftrta 

3. vfrm 
3. *nT*rr 
3. «nrwr 
3. inrt 
3. 331ft* 
3. slfWNr 

In these dialects the aorist has had added to it a form wt 
sing, and WT pl-> which does not appear to be inflected for 
gender, but has only sing, and pi. masc. So far as it goes, 
however, it directly corresponds to H. and P. gd, ge, etc., and 
like them points to a participial origin. In Marathi the 
inflectional terminations have been dropped, and in some cases 
even the la itself. The 1 sing, of the neuter aorist is W%, and 
adding If to this, we get TftK, which, being difficult to 
pronounce, has glided into ^T In the 1 pi., however, the W 
has simply been rejected, so that it is the same as the aorist. 
In the 2 sing, the aorist has WZQ, but, as has already been 
shown, this is a contraction from f[dfa, and *Jzfa + U= 


^ZtftW; from the Marathi habit of lengthening the vowel of 
a final syllable. In the 2 pi. aorist iJZt, the if has neither 
been fused with the anuswara into if, as in the 1 sing., nor has 
it altogether dropped out, as in the 1 pi. ; but there is no trace 
of the anuswara; the reason of this is that the anuswara in 
this person is not organic ; the older language has simply d, as 
*JTT> and it is to this that the IT has bqen added, and not to 
the modern form. The third person singular and plural is 
still simpler; aor. ^ + K = 3^ir, and (archaic) ^pnft + K = 
<|4<ft<f • The same process is followed by the active verb 

I look upon this If as the shortened form of a sing, qft m -> 
^ft/.j pL HT *»., lPf/., of which the feminine is apparently not 
in use, and I derive it from Skr. VlPI, p.p.p. *HT, Pr. WT^ft, 
of which the gg has been reduced to g according to ordinary 
practice, and the single g has then dropped out, leaving OTft, 
shortened into wt. This derivation is confirmed by the fact 
that in all the languages this verb is used in the sense of 
beginning to do anything, as in H. qW 1RT, " he began to do." 
In M. especially it is used in a very wide range of applications, 
and W%M appropriately means " he begins (that) he may do," 
in other words " he is about to do," " he will do." 



§ 56. I give here, for convenience of comparison, a tabular view 

L — Present Pae- 

Sanskrit THTt w., Wft/, T^*- 


(a) deelinabU. 

(ft) indefinable. 

S. 1. 




PL 1. 

2 2 






^?R!T lft 





1 On acoonnt of the multiplicity of forma in Marathi, the mated! 



of the participles and the participial tenses derived from them. 

ticiple Active. 

Prakrit H^flt w., °lft/., *$ n. 









^t^nft °*ft °fl 





•it to °ift 
4ft 4\n o *rt°irt*!T 


411411141 {NMJINJ 
VfTlat4lTf , fni 



iy of the indicative and conditional are given in this table. 





















15 ¥ 

¥ * 

• e 






* * 





p- « CO 






• _ • • 
**+ Q* CO 

'MH9£ Jtroj 
















o © 


f ¥ 










»p» • 


P <f 

H* fl* *' H* 



It7> 1^ w* 



Jt & I <fr & J 

« e< n - «i «t 

00 S 











§ 57. The only participial tenses in the Gipsy verb are those 
formed from the past partioiple. This participle is sometimes 
regularly formed from the modern verbal root, and sometimes, 
as in the other languages, is an early Tadbhava, perpetuating 
the type of the Prakrit participle. 

There are, as in the other languages, three types of this 
participle ending in (1) to or do, (2) lo, (3) no* Examples of 
the first type are — 

ando, Skr. &nl, p.p. p. &nlta, S. ftndo.' 
jivdo, „ jtv, „ jivita. 

kjita, Pers. karda. 



andva " to carry/' 

jiv&va " to live, 

kerdva " to do," kerdo, „ kri, 

na8h&va"to&epaxt" nashto, „ na$ 

chin&va " to cut," chindo, „ chhid, „ 



Of the second type — 
avdva " to come," alo, „ ftyft, 

jdva " to go," 

gelo, „ y&, 



dikdva " to see," diklo, 

Of the third type — 
ddva "to give," dino, „ dft, 

fttoa"totake," lino, 



rovdva " to weep/' rovno, „ rud, 
ury&va " to fly," uryano, „ udijl, 






y&ta, M. geli, B. 

gela, 0. gall. 
B. dekhila, O. 


datta, Pr. dinno,0.- 

labdha,0.-H. linnft, 

rudita, Pr. runno, 

S. runo. 
uddina, S. u<J&no. 

. The Aorist is formed by adding the terminations of the old 
substantive verb, thus from lino " taken " — 

Sing. 1. linom, 2. lin&n, 3. linfts, 

PL 1. linftn, 2. linftn, 3. lin&s "I took," etc. 


So from kerdo " done," comes 

Sing. 1. kerdom, 2. kerdAn, 3. kerd&s, 

PL 1. kerd&in, 2. kerdftn, 3. kerd&s " I did," etc. 

And from muklo " abandoned " (Skr. mukta) — 

Sing. 1. muklom, 2. mukl&n, 3. mukl&s, 

PL 1. muklAm, 2. mukl&n, 3. muklfts " I left," etc. 

This proceeding is strictly analogous in principle to the 
method employed in Sindhi, to which, of all the Indian Ian- 
guages, that of the Gipsies bears the closest relation. 

The future is formed by prefixing to the present tense the 
word k&ma, Skr. Mm "desire," and thus means "I wish 
to do," etc. Thus ker&va "I do," kamaker&va "I will do," %.e. 
" I wish to do." The prefixed word does not vary for number 
or person. This method of forming the future is, as Paspati 
(p. 101) points out, borrowed from modern Greek, in which 
0&uo contracted to 0i and 0ct, is used in this way, as 6ct inrdr/a "I 
will go." There is nothing strictly analogous to this method 
in our seven languages, though the futures of the ga and la 
types are formed on a not very diarimilar principle. 



CONTENTS.—} 58. Definition op the Compound Tenses and Auxiliary 
Verbs. — § 69. The Root A8 t Present Tense.— § 60. Imperfect or 
Panjabi and Gipsy.— { 61. AS with a Negative. — $ 62. Compound 
Tenses formed with AS.—§ 63. The Boot ACBH; Discussion as to its 
Origin. — $ 64. Tknsbs debited therefrom. — } 65. Compound Tenses 

FORMED THEREWITH.—} 66. BH6\— THE SlMPLB TeN8B8. — \ 67. «f. J— THB 

Participial Tenses. — § 68. Compound Tenses formed therewith.— J 69. 
SThL—\ 70. r/.— § 71. Ancillary Verbs Defined.—} 72. Examples of 

§ 58. Further removed from the old synthetical type than 
either of the preceding classes of tenses is that class which now 
comes under discussion. It is by means of this class that the 
seven modern languages, after having rejected the numerous 
and complicated formations of the Sanskrit verb, have secured 
for themselves the machinery necessary for the expression of 
very delicate shades of meaning. So numerous, indeed, are 
these shades of meaning, and so fine are the distinctions be- 
tween them, that it is very difficult for a foreigner to catch 

The tenses in question are constructed by adding to the 
participles already mentioned various tenses of certain auxiliary 
verbs, and in a few instances by adding these auxiliaries to 
the simple present, or aorist. The auxiliaries themselves are 
modern formations capable of being used alone, and are trace- 
able to well-known Sanskrit roots through processes partly 
Prakritic and partly post-Prakritic. Pali and the Prakrits 
carry the yerbaTqueXn through certain gradee of change, 

the compound tenses. 171 

and the modern languages either preserve the Prakrit form un- 
changed, or subject it to further changes of their own, such 
changes being often governed by laws unknown to the Prakrit 
stage of development. 

The roots so employed are Vw^, V^f, VWl> V^TT, and 
another, whose origin is somewhat obscure in Sanskrit, but 
which appears in Prakrit under the form ^raf. It will be 
necessary first to examine each of these roots and draw out the 
modern forms to be affiliated to each, after which the tenses 
formed by them may be arranged in order. 

§ 59. -AS. This root means " to be/' and is the simple copula 
like Latin esse (see under sthd in § 12). Only the present tense 
can be clearly traced in the modern languages, though there 
are some detached fragments here and there which may possibly 
represent other tenses. These will be noted further on. In 
Sanskrit the root belongs to the second or ad conjugation, in 
which the terminations are added direct to the root, thus giving 
rise to various euphonic changes in accordance with the laws of 
Sandhi Pali and the scenic Prakrits, in contradiction to their 
usual practice of employing the bhu type for all roots, retain 
in this verb the ad type. Omitting the dual, the tense runs — 

Skr. Sing. 1. asmi, 2. asi, 3. asti. 

„ PL 1. smah, 2. stha, 3. santi. 

p , p (Sing. 1. asmi, 2. asi, 3. atthi. 
( amhi. 

{PL 1. asma, 2. attha, 3. santi. 

In Prakrit the initial vowel is often elided as 'tnki, 9 mha. 
These forms, however, belong to the scenic Prakrit, which, as 
Pischel has shown, is really almost as artificial a language as 
Sanskrit, and on comparing the corresponding tense in the 
modern languages, it seems difficult, if not impossible, to derive 
it from the scenic forms. We are not justified in assuming 


that the modern tense was derived, according to different 
phonetic laws, from those which have guided and effected the 
transformations of other words in these languages. On the 
contrary, in the absence of a continuous chain of documents 
exhibiting the gradual changes that have taken place, we have 
nothing to guide us but the general principles of phonetic 
evolution, which we have been able to formulate for ourselves 
from undoubted instances. We have numerous well-established 
cases in which the Prakrit, followed by the moderns, has conju- 
gated a verb according to the JA6 type, though in classical 
Sanskrit it follows some other conjugation ; indeed, it may, I 
think, be considered as proved that the forms of the bhik conju- 
gation have swallowed up all other conjugational types, just as 
much as those of the as stem in nouns have driven out all other 
declensional forms. In this view there would be strong reasons 
for postulating the existence of a present tense of V^TCt conju- 
gated after the bhA type, thus — 

Sing. 1. as&mi, 2. asasi, 3. asati. 

PL 1. as&mah, 2. asatha, 3. asanti. 

It is only from such a form as this, the existence of which, 
though I am not aware of any text in which it is found, may 
fairly be inferred from analogy, that the modern forms can, in 
accordance with the ordinary laws of development, be derived. 

Beginning with Sindhi as the most archaic, or nearly so, this 
tense runs thus — 

sing. i. ^rtff^rt 2. "^1%, "vti¥> 8- ^n$. 

W. 1. ^Htff^ 2. ^Rtf^ft. 3. *| Iff ft. 

Now, barring the troublesome superfluity of anun&sikas 
which the Sindhians have seen fit to bestow on this aorist, the 
forms are strikingly similar to those of the Sanskrit tense 
postulated above. The 3 sing, dhe is contracted from ohm, 
which, again, is good Prakrit for asati, but it could hardly be 
deduced from asti, which, as we have seen, naturally results in 


Prakrit atthi. The terminations of the other persons agree 
with those of the aorist of the active verb given in § 33, and 
those are obviously and admittedly derived from the termina- 
tions of the bhb type. I am unable to account for the peculi- 
arity of this tense using the forms of the active verb, where we 
should naturally have expected those of the neuter, %\\\, stc. 
like ^Wt> etc. Trumpp does not notice this point, and as I 
am not in possession of any documents in mediaeval Sindhi, I 
have no materials on which to form an opinion. It is to be 
hoped that the learned author, in the next edition of his very 
valuable grammar, will furnish some elucidation of this curious 
anomaly. This tense is all that remains to us in Sindhi of the 
Sanskrit substantive verb as. 

Only the aorist, also, has survived in Marathi, which has — 

Sing. 1. ^|ff , 2. 'flffc 3 - ^n^- 

pi. i. ^irft 2. ^n*t 3. ^nf^f . 

These are the regular terminations of the aorist in the neuter 
verb, only the 1 plural differs slightly, having ^jf instead of ^f. 
In M., as in S., the initial vowel is lengthened, the reason for 
which is not obvious, as there has been no loss of consonants 
requiring compensatory lengthening. M., like S., has only 
this one tense from as. No traces of it are found in Gk or 0., 
except in a negative form, which will be treated of in the next 

Hindi and Panjabi agree very closely in the aorist. Classical 
Hindi represents, however, a modern development of this tense. 
In the medieval writers, and in the present dialects of the 
eastern and central Hindi area, the older form is preserved 
thus — 

Old-H. 1. ^lf* 2. <*fff 3. ^ff| 

AvadM. 1. ^3 2. ^fc 3. ^f 

Blwtt. 1. *, *it 2. % a %, TW 


Old-H. 1. ^fff 2. ^Tf» 3. ^Hf| 

AvadM. 1. ^ 2. ^fi,^ft S.m 

Riwtt. i.i 2. ^fif,^ 3. ^hr^fl^t. 

The 3 singular in the poets is sometimes written with, and 
sometimes without, the last A, as in Eabir Oft ft 4 1 *pf iffa Ifl 
^nnC " Th ere w one line of duty in the world" (Ram. lvi. 1), or 
written as a dissyllabic word, as TJH WW ^ f^RV ^T^ I "The 
name of Ram is itself the true one" iib. lxiv. 5), or with long 
i, metri gratia, ytf qf$ *pf *lT^t ^Vft^ I "Religion, he saith, w all 
(one like) water" (ib. lxxiii. 5). The 1 singular occurs in 

Tf¥ WT^ TW f^rr^ ***! ^Tff (for W$) *ft ^ITT f^ • 

" Pause and attend, ponder on Ram, thus I am calling aloud, 
oh ! " (ib. Kah. 7). So also in Tulsi Das, Tlfir iff?! fltfft ^THC 
^rf% m^t I "Thus her mind is changed as fate decrees" 
(Ay-k. 117), TTf ▼TWT TRW ^Ifff I) " Ram is lord of things 
moveable and immoveable " (ib. 445), ftf%| ^RTHf ^9% *PC 
^Tfft "The laws of duty ore all reversed" (16. 617), ?PRf ^tTTO 
*PI ^p? ^Wfr ^IWt " All roads are easy to thee " (ib. 574). 

By aphseresis of the initial a we get the ordinary classical 
Hindi tense — 

Sing. 1. ft, *, 2. %, 3. $ . PL l.\ 2. ft, 3.^. 

The classical language uses jjr in the 1 sing., but ft is used 
in the poets, in Braj, and in the rustic dialects. Between ft, 
used as a singular, and^, used as a plural, there is the same 
confusion as in the same persons of the aorist in the ordinary 
verb (§ 33). The form ft seems to belong more naturally to a 
Pr. ahdmUy mA\ to ahdmi, and we are led to suspect that an 
inversion of the two words has taken place. Avadhi 2 sing. 
ahes has, like M., a variant ahas, both of which lead back to an 
older ahasi, just as 3 sing, ahai does to ahati. It is obvious that 
had ^as not been treated as a bhU verb, there would have 


arisen no such types as ahai and hai; for asti goes Into atthi, 
which would have led to something very different. 
Panjabi closely follows H., having — 

Sing. 1, ft, 2. % 3. |. PL 1. ft, 2. ft, 3. flf. 

It has also, as noticed in § 54, a form of this tense with the 
participial addition Wl #*., *ft/., etc., as — 

Sing. 1. ffTT, 2. ^TT, 3. $l|T» 

PL 1. fti), 2. fffi, 3. flfi)"Iam,"etc., 

where the type of the future is mixed up with that of the 
present. I have heard this form used mostly at the end of 
a sentence, where the speaker seems to hesitate, as if he felt 
the want of something more to say, and ultimately adds a gd. 
It is also used doubtingly, as when you suggest a possible 
explanation of some difficulty, and your companion answers 
" well, perhaps it is so " — %*([• 

The same form occurs in the Kanauji dialect of Hindi. 

The present of this verb in the dialect of the Bumilian 
Gipsies (Paapati, p. 80) adheres more closely to the Sanskrit. 
It runs thus — 

Sing. 1. is6m, 2. is4n, 3. isi. 
PI. 1. is&m, 2. isan, 3. isi. 

§ 60. Panjabi has also an imperfect in a great many forms 
which must apparently be affiliated to this root. First there is 
» purely participial form- 
Sing. 1, 2, 3, *T »., €t/- 
PL % m« 9 ^Ftat f> " I» thou, he was," etc. 

Then ITT is added as in the present, giving *TRT, ?foft> 5%, 
<n4tat« I do not remember ever to have heard this form, 
but it is given in the Ludhiana grammar. One often hears 
*ft, which is properly feminine singular, used for the mascu- 


line singular, and plural also. Moreover, there is a defective 
form having only some of the persons, which looks somewhat 
inflectional. The singular 2 and 3, and plural 2, are supplied 
by parts of ^TT. 

sing. i. ^rt. pi. i. ^rt. 3. qro, 5*. 

To this, also, is added 1(1, thus 
Sing. 1. 5gflT m., ?rt*ft/. 

PI. 1. nrft m., 4l|4ftat/- 3. *nft nu, H9\*i\n\f. 

Yet another and extremely common form in colloquial usage 
prefixes $ to this type — 

Sing. 1. f^rt. 2, 3. ftft. 

PI. 1, 2. $% m., WNrt/. 3. $OT- 

Most of these forms are dialectic, and, as such, in use only in 
certain parts of the country. The participial form given first 
is probably the original ; seeing how much the past tenses of 
the Sanskrit verb had fallen out of use at an early period, we 
are, perhaps, hardly justified in looking for anything but a 
participial origin for a modern past tense, and in this view we 
might postulate a p.p.p. asita. On the other hand, however, 
it so happens that the imperfect of as is one of the few imper- 
fects of Skr. verbs, which did live on into the Pali and Prakrit, 
and the inflectional form of this tense can be phonetically de- 
rived therefrom, thus — 

Skr. Sing. 1. ^|rtf. 2. ^Rftt, 8. *IHft<^. 

PI. I. ^ITO, 2. ^!TO, 8. impt. 

Pr. Sing. 1. *t, 2. tfh 3. ^ft. 

PI. 1. *t, — 3. Wl. 

If we take this view it would seem that the tense was 
originally inflectional, but that all other verbs in the language 
having a participial construction, this also was, by the common 


process of mistaken analogy, considered participial also, and I 
being the ordinary termination of the feminine, *ft was 
erroneously taken for a feminine, and a masculine ?JT was 
invented to suit it, together with the plurals % and ?ftat. 
This reasoning will account also for the fact that *ft is often 
used for the masculine singular. Whether the origin of this 
multiform tense be participial or inflectional, it is abundantly 
clear that the present usage of the language presents a maze of 
confused forms, which, their origin having been forgotten, have 
become mixed together in great variety. 

Here, I would provisionally refer the imperfect in the Braj 
dialect of Hindi, which is participial in form, and does not 
vary for person. It is sing. Jft w., ^ /., pi. % m., ^f /. 
A variation of this form in "Western Rajputana (M&rw&r) has 
sing, jft, pi. ^J. I think we must see in this form a p.p.p. of 
as, with loss of the initial vowel, and change of 9 into ff. 

So, also, here would, on the same principle, come in two 
preterites or rather imperfects— 

Kanauji. Sing, ^ft m., ^ft /. 

PI. ^ w., ^fift /., " h etc., was." 
Gujarati. Sing, frft »»•> ^ft /•> 5<j »• 

PI. fJJT «•> Hft/t ^ft »• "*• 

which appear to come from Pr. present participle ^jftft "being." 
The change of meaning from a present to an imperfect has an 
analogy in the treatment of the corresponding tense of the 
verb ho (§ 67). 

The Gipsy language has retained an imperfect of this root, 
not directly derived from the Skr. imperfect, but formed by 
the addition of the syllable as to the present. 1 

Sing. 1. isomas, 2. is&nas, 3* isds (isi+as). 
PL 1. is&mas, 2. is&nas, 3. is&s. 

1 Paspati, p. 80. Miklosich, vol. ii. p. 16, has a long dissertation on the subject, 
which, however, is very confused and bewildering to read. 

vol. m. 12 


This language uniformly makes an imperfect from every root 
by adding as to the present, but the process is so foreign to our 
Indian languages as to have no interest for us in the present 

§ 61. The derivatives of as in the present tense are in some 
languages curiously bound up with the negative into a tense 
which exists in those languages in which there is no trace of 
the positive form. Thus Oriya, which has no positive present 
as, has a complete negative present, " I am not, etc." 


Sing. 1. ifa, 2. iff , 3. ^. 

PI. 1. ifTjfr, 2. iflf, 3. ifTfTf^T- 

Here the u in the first syllable of the singular is due to some 
confusion with the tense of bhti, to be noted hereafter ; but 
though this form is common in writing, the peasantry often say 
simply H$, " he is not." The insertion of this u is accounted 
for by supposing it to have slipped over from the following 
syllable, thus, nuhe would be for na hue, and nuhanti for na 
huanti. Nuanti, and not n&h&nti, is the older form, as in — 

" Merciful-hearted they are not, but pitiless." — Rasak. vi. 18. 

There being in 0. no positive present from as, the survival of 
the negative present has naturally been accounted for by 
referring it to the only positive present remaining, namely, 
' that from bhu ; but this seems to be a false analogy, because, 
as will be shown later on, in many constructions the negative 
is used without the u, and is generally so used by the rustic 

G. has vtft for all persons of both tenses, they say jt vtft 
"lam not," tf iTVt " thou art not," 7* irf\ « he is not." This 
is a case of f orgetfulness of the origin of a word leading to its 
use being extended to cases where it has no right to be, for 


W$t is clearly derived from ^fft , the Pr. form of ^fftf with if 
prefixed, and thus, strictly speaking, belongs only to the 
3 sing. 

The negative of as is kept distinct from that of hhb in 
Marathi, the former runs thxu 

Sing. 1. ifTitf 2. *TTfto, 3. TTTpf. PI. h 2. inft, 3. ifTltff- 

In Hindi irff and Wf\ are used to mean simply " not," and 
if they ever had any verbal meaning, have now quite lost it. 
In Sindhi the negative prefixed merely coalesces with it, with- 
out in any way influencing it, or bringing about any change in 
its form ; thus i|f$ or «PH1^ " he is not." 

§ 62. The present tense from as is added to the simple and 
participial tenses of the neuter, active, or causal stem, to form 
a class of compound tenses, having significations somewhat 
more definite than the participial tenses when used alone. In 
some cases, however, no additional strength of meaning seems 
to be gained. In the following examples it will suffice to quote 
the 3 singular in each tense, from which the reader can form 
the rest for himself. 

Hindi adds the present of as to the present and past parti- 
ciples of the ordinary verb, to form a definite present and 
definite preterite respectively, 

Def. Present ^QRfT $ " he is seeing." 
Def. Preterite ?<dl $ " he has seen." 

Colloquially, also, one sometimes hears a tense formed from 
the aorist of the verb, and that of the auxiliary, as ^n^ $ " he 
comes." This usage prevails more in the Western Hindi area, 
where the language is transitional to Ghijarati, and is not 
approved of in classical speech. 1 

1 Kellogg, p. 206. 


Panjabi has the following : — 

Def. Present ^t?T 9 " be is going" 
Def. Imperfect ^t?T CT " be wa8 going." 
Def. Preterite fjpRI% " be has gone." 
Pluperfect f*PHT ^TT " be had gone." 

Siudhi has, like Hindi, the two definite tenses : — 

Def. Present ^3t^t ^IT% " be is going." 
Def. Preterite ^f?Nft ^HT^ " he has gone." 

Marathi has a wider range ; it forms two separate tenses, one 
from the indeclinable, another from the declinable form of its 
present participle, a definite perfect from its past participle, 
and a sort of future with its noun of agency (§ 75). In the 
last-named instance, however, we have hardly a tense, but 
rather a participial construction — 

Def. Present faffa ^IT% " he is writing." 
„ (Emphatic) f^rflpft "W% " be U writing." 
Def. Preterite OnffUU ^HT^ " be has written." 
Future f^ffQIK ^W% " he is about to write." 

The other languages having no traces of this auxiliary, 
naturally have no tenses formed by it. 

§ 63. ACER. This root must be taken next, in order to pre- 
serve the natural sequence of tenses in the modern verbs. It 
has been customary hitherto to accept without inquiry the 
assumption that the auxiliaries of this form are derived from 
as ; but there are considerable difficulties in the way of ad- 
mitting this view, which appears, as far as I can traoe it back, 
to have arisen from Vararuchi, xii. 19 (Sauraseni), asterachckha. 
But the next sutra gives tipdtthi, as far as we can see from the 
very corrupt state of the text, and the parallel passage from 
the Sankshipta S&ra (Lassen, App. p. 51) gives only atthi, 


though fragments of a present tense achchhai, etc., are quoted by 
Lassen (p. 346) from the latter authority. By his reference to 
p. 266, the author would seem to favour a derivation from asti 
by inversion atsi, as ts we know (Vol. I. p. 317) migrates into 
^35, but this will not account for the other persons of the tense. 

It does not, however, follow that Vararuchi, in quoting 
achchh as an equivalent for as, ever meant that the former was 
phonetically evolved from the latter. He is merely giving us 
the popular equivalent of the classical word. Just in the same 
way he tells us (viii. 68) that vutta and khuppa are used for Skr. 
masj, but no one supposes that vutta can, by any known process 
of phonetic change, be derived from masj. It is simply a 
popular word used instead of a refined one. So, also, when he 
tells us that achchh is used instead of as, we are not bound to 
believe that he means to say that the former is derived from 
the latter, but simply that it is in use side by side with it* 
Hemachandra, in the same way, gives many popular equivalents 
of Skr. roots, which are not derivatives from those roots. 

Weber, Hala, p. 41, rejects, and with justice, the idea of any 
connection between the two words, and suggests that acch is a 
form of gach (^ gam), " to go." This view is supported by 
citations from the Bh&gavati. (i. 411, etc.), as e.g. acchqjja vd 
citthejja vd nisteyya vd uyattejja, " Let him go, or stand, or sit 
down, or rise up." In the examples quoted from the 
Saptasatakam, however, the word bears more often the opposite 
meaning of standing still ; and often may be rendered by either 
one or the other ; thus — 

tuppanana kino ac- 

chasi tti ia pucchiai vahu&i. — Sapt. 291. 

Here Weber translates, " Why goest thou with anointed face P " 
but the scholiast has kirn tishthasi, " why standest thou P " The 
general meaning of the passage is merely "why art thou" 
thus, i.e. " why have you got your face anointed P " So in 344, 


asamattamanorahaim acchanti mithunaim, it must be rendered, 

" They are (or stand) with their desires unfulfilled." In another 

passage, 169, it has still more unmistakeably the meaning 

of stay : 

acchaii t&va manaharam 

piy&i muhadamsanam ai'mahaggham 


vi jhatti dittha suh&vei, 

literally, "Let stand (or let be) the heart-entrancing, very 
precious sight of the face of my love, even the boundary of the 
fields of her village, when seen, straightway delights." He 
means a sort of hyperbole, as we might say, "Her face delights, 
said I P not her face merely — (or, let alone her face) — why even 
the sight of the village where she lives delights." Here acchaii 
is 3 singular imperative; the idiom is in common use in 
modern speech ; thus in 0. they would say tdku dekhibd thdu, 
tdhdr grdm simd madhya dekhibd dnand ate, " Let the seeing of 
her stand aside, the seeing of her village boundary merely is 
delight." It is like the use of the word alam in Sanskrit. 
Parallel to the use of 0. ^ in this construction is that of ^TTO 
in B. Thus, Bh&rat Chandra — 

" From long fasting the folk were nearly dead, 
Let alone food, they could not (even) get water." — Mansingh, 446. 

Literally, " Let the matter of food stand (aside)," see Si 69. In 
the Chingana or Gipsy also ach means "to remain," "to stand." 
Thus, opri pirende achdva, "I stand on my feet," or simply, 
" I stand," Faspati " se tenir debout ; " achib korkoro " he re- 
mained alone," ate achilom " here I am," literally " here I have 
remained;" achen devlisa "remain with God," "good-bye" (i.e. 
"God be with ye"), Fasp. " Salutation trfis-commune parmi les 


Not to multiply examples, the use of this verb in a sense 
which, whatever its original meaning, has become almost 
equivalent to that of " being," is well established in the Jaina 
Prakrit and in H&la. The aphseresis of an initial consonant is 
rare. In scenic Prakrit it is confined almost entirely to the 
root ^ (J&na), as in dndsi =jdndsi, dnabedi = djndpayati, etc. 
Also in uno =punah, and a few other words. 

But I would suggest that this word may after all be nothing 
more than a form of Skr. V^C^ ak*h, " to appear." This root 
seems to have borne in Skr. rather the meaning of " to reach, 
pervade " (see Williams's Diet. s.v.), but if we are to connect 
with it ^(fc "eye," as seems probable, the meaning of "to 
see," or " to appear," would be natural to it. It will be 
shown presently that the various languages have forms ending 
in ^, iff, and *s, and all these three forms phonetically point 
to an earlier ^.' 

Leaving Prakrit scholars to decide whence comes this stem 
^R| or ^1^ (Weber writes it in both ways), we may, I think, 
start from the fact that there is such a stem in Prakrit, and we 
have the opinion of a high authority for disputing its con- 
nection with ^R^. Indeed, as has already been shown, ^J^ so 
regularly passes into ^J in the moderns, that it is difficult to 
conceive by what process it could ever have become ^T9. I 

1 Hemachandra's evidence seems conclusive against any connection between aeh 
and gam, for he has a s&tra to the effect that words of the class gam take the 
termination eha\ the list consists of the four words gacehai (gam), ieehat (ish), 
jacehai (yam), and acchal (P). — Pischel, Hem., iv. 215. If aeehai were only gacehai, 
with loss of the initial consonant, it would hardly be given as a separate instance of 
the rale. In another passage occurs a use of this word exactly similar to that from 
Hala quoted above— 

j&mahim visamt kajjagai jivaham majjhe ei 
t&mahim acchaii iaru janu suanu vi antarudei, 

" As long as [your] circumstances in life go badly (literally ' as long as a difficult 
condition of affairs goes in life '), so long, let alone (acchaii) the base man, even the 
good man keeps aloof (literally * gives an interval ')," " Tempora si fuerint nubila, 
solus oris." Kajjagai = karyagati, iaru « itara. > 


have preferred to treat it as a separate stem altogether, and 
I think this treatment will be found to be to a very great 
extent justified by the examples from the modern languages 
which I shall now adduce. 

§ 64. Classical Hindi, Panjabi, and Sindhi, do not retain any 
traces of this root. M. has, however, a complete verb ^R^, 
which we should refer, I think, to this root, resting on the 
well-known peculiarity of M., by which it changes VBg, 
especially when derived from an earlier ^, into q (Yol. I. 
p. 218). The Sanskrit ^ as having in M. become dhe, an 
affiliation concerning which there can be no doubt, we are 
driven to seek for a different origin for M. ase, and we find it 
appropriately and in full accordance with known phonetic 
processes in ^TO£. M. has the following tenses : — 

1. Aorist — 

sing. i. ^, 2. to^» 3. ^|%, 

pi. i. ^, 2. TOt 3. tow, 

where the terminations exactly correspond with those of the 
aorist in the ordinary verb. 

2. Simple imperative — 

Sing. 1. ^*£, 2. TO, T^Ti 3. TOt- 

PI. 1. ^rtf, 2. TOT, 3. TOf*. 

3. Simple future — 

Sing. 1. ^%if, 2. TO^GftW* 3. ^RhC. 

4. Present formed with present participle and Sanskrit 
substantive verb — 

Masc. Sing. 1. TOfflTt 2. TOTffa, 3. TOlft- 

W- 1- Wllff» 2. TOTTt, 3. TOUT*- 


5. Conditional similarly formed. Sing. 3 masc. 'TOITTt etc., 
as in the ordinary verb. 

6. Preterite formed with p.p.p. similar to conditional. Sing. 
3 masc. ^RJWT, etc. 

7. Subjunctive formed with future p.p. Sing. 3 masc. 
WU4I, etc. 

Oriya comes next, with an aorist of old simple present only, 
which is thus conjugated — 

Sing. 1. ^rfif, 2. ^, 3. ^fij. 

PL 1. ^, 2. ^ , 3. ^f*H|. 

There being no formation from ^as in O., this tense does 
duty for the simple " I am, thou art," etc. "With lengthening 
of the first vowel, in accordance with its usual practice, Bengali 
has a present, and an imperfect ; but in modern times the initial 
long vowel of the latter has been entirely dropped, so that we 
now have — 

Present Sing. 1. ^ftft£> 2 - *UfVJ> 3. ^ITCfc " * * m »" etc. 

pi. i. ^irfif, 2. *ire, 3. *n$*r. 

Imperfect Sing. 1. f^Hf, 2. fitful, 3. fiflf "I was," etc 
PL 1. f^WPt> 2 - "fiPJT» 3- fi5%*l- 

Though used as an imperfect, this latter tense is in form a 
preterite, corresponding to dekhinu, etc., of the regular verb. 
The loss of the initial d is comparatively recent, for it is re- 
tained in so late a poet as Bh&rat Chandra (a.d. 1711—1755). 
^TTfifW fRfT tTRT m^V *R|% "She was (i.e. had been) very 
wanton in her youth" (Bidya-S. 246). It is common enough, 
also, in the other Bengali poets, % 1TTQ! ^ITO ftW *Hfe<H 
iftfTT "What vicissitudes were experienced by you" (Kasi- 
M. 284), and the poets of the present day freely permit them- 
selves the use of this form as a poetic licence when their metre 
requires it. 

Passing westwards from Bengal, we come to the extreme 


eastern limits of Hindi, in the Maithila province (Tirhut, 
Purnia, etc.), where the rustic dialect has the following present: 

Sing. I. ^ 2. ^, 3$. PL 1. ?£, 2. tg, 3. ^. 

It has also a feminine singular J3$t, plural X$f, uninflected for 

Close to the Bengali frontier, near the junction of the 
MahanandA and Kankai rivers, they speak a curious sort of 
mixture of Hindi and Bengali, and have a present — 

Sing. 1. fl5, 2. ftp*, 3. *f\ PI. 1. fif, 2. % 3. %. 

Further west, in the same district, one hears — 
Slug. 1. ?ft, 2. $, 3. tR> PI. 1. fif , 2. *t, 3. *T* 

In Bhojpuri, for the present is often heard %, which is un- 
changed throughout both persons. This widely-used form 
seems to confirm the supposition of the derivation from V^, 
for ^ changes both to ^£ and to *flj. 

From the Himalayan districts of Kum&on and Garhw&l, 
Kellogg (p. 201) gives a present of this verb, and it is in use 
in Eastern Rajputana. It is also the ordinary substantive verb 
in Ghijarati — 


Kumaon. I. $ff , rf 2. ^ 3. ^. 

^f 2. *, % 3. *. 

^ 2. % 3. $. 

3 2. % 3. %. 


*& W? 2. *T 3. *lf, tflf. 

vf » twr^ 2. ^ir, ^ni; 3. ^ir, 
*t 2. *t 3. %. 

*n$ 2. *t 3. $. 


E. Rajputana. 


E. Rajputana. 

The first and third of these have also a preterite participle 


in type like most of the preterites. Thus in Kum&on they say 
sing, fi^ft, pL flFETT or fiprt* which seems to point to a Skr. 
p.p.p. ^rfSj7T=Pr. nfrgtft* In Eastern Rajputana there is 
sing, *t, pi. *T. 

Although modern classical Hindi does not use this root, yet 
it is found with the initial vowel in the shape of an indeclinable 
present participle in the old poets, as in Tulsi's Ramayan — 

" Thyself remaining, give the heir-apparentship to Bam, king ! " 

— Ay-k. 11. 

That is, " during thy lifetime," literally " thou being." The 
dictionary-writers erroneously give this as a Tadbhava from 
^^7T , with which it has nothing to do. 

It is worthy of consideration whether the forms of the im- 
perfect in P. given in § 60 should not be referred to this root 
rather than to as. The change of $ into * so characteristic of 
M. would thus find a parallel in PanjabL 

Ghijarati has also a present participle indeclinable flffft and 
?pj " (in) being," and declinable ^?ft m., ift /., II n. ; pi. 
SaT w., ift/., flt n. " being." 

§ 65. The compound tenses formed by the addition of this 
auxiliary are most numerous, as might be expected, in Marathi, 
that language having a larger range of tenses of the auxiliary 
itself than the sister-tongues. First, a present habitual is 
formed by adding the present of the auxiliary to the present 
participle of the verb, as ^T^T ^WWt " he is living," i.e. " he 
habitually resides," f?TjtaT ^TOTf " I wn (always employed in) 

Next, a past habitual, by adding the aorist of the auxiliary 
to the present tense, as *qm[ ^1% "he was in the habit of 
sitting." It will be remembered that in M. the aorist has the 
sense of a past habitual in modern times. This compound 


tense seems to differ very little in meaning from the simple 

There is also a compound present of the conditional, wherein 
the leading verb is in the present participle and the auxiliary 
in the conditional present. It is used with sr^ " if " prefixed, 
either expressed or understood, as *r^ ^jz{ qtflfl IfflHJ " If he 
were doing the work," irRRI VFWH ^THT " (E) ra* 11 were to * all 
(as it is now falling)." The game tense of the auxiliary, when 
used with the past participle, serves as a conditional preterite, 
as VF3W[ ^TOIT "he would have fallen (if, etc.)." 

"With the preterite of the auxiliary and the present parti- 
ciple of the leading verb is constructed a present dubitative, as 
Wt *CTfl ^refTT *!T^f TO WTWT *tTT " If he should be going, 
then entrust this affair to him." Similarly, with the same part 
of the auxiliary and the past participle of the leading verb is 
made a past dubitative or pluperfect, as ?ft ^TT^TT ^TCIWf 7TC 
" Should he have arrived, then, etc." 

So, also, with the future participle and the past auxiliary, 

as *TT tft ^nUTTT ^TOWT ?TC '■WT *Tfa " Should he be about to 
go, then tell me." 

The future of the auxiliary also forms three tenses with 
the present, past, and future participles of the leading verb 
respectively. It is difficult to give these tenses any definite 
name; the senses in which they are employed will be seen 
from the following examples : — 

1. Present participle of verb + future of auxiliary — 

3HT WR $lft TRT TJTf<T ^llNr " Your father will be waiting 
for you" (i.e. is probably now expecting you; vdta 
pdhat="looka at the road," idiomatic for "expects"). 

2. Past participle of verb + future of auxiliary — 

ift WWl W$M " He will have come " (i.e. " has probably 
arrived by this time"). 


3. Future participle of verb + future of auxiliary — 

*ft faff OIK ^■WN " I ma y b® now going *° write " (i.e. 
" I shall probably be writing presently "). 

The above is a fair illustration of the remark which I have 
frequently made before, that the modern verb, while throwing 
aside all the intricacies of the synthetical system of tenses, still 
manages to lose nothing of its power of expressing minute 
shades of meaning. On the contrary, by its almost unlimited 
power of forming compound tenses, it obtains a fullness and 
delicacy of expression, which even the synthetic verb cannot 
rival. Indeed, this fullness is at times somewhat embarrassing, 
for the subtle distinctions between one tense and another are 
very difficult to grasp, and, as might be expected, careless or 
uneducated speakers are unable to observe them accurately. 
The minute analysis of these various tenses belongs to the 
domain of syntax rather than to that of formlore, and a very 
long dissertation might be written upon the numerous shades of 
meaning involved in each one of them. The selection, for 
instance, of the different parts of the leading verb and 
auxiliary depends, to a great extent, upon the method of 
reasoning employed unconsciously by the speaker. These 
compound tenses are, in fact, rather phrases than tenses, and 
much depends upon whether the speaker regards the action as 
already past, or as actually being done with reference to the rest 
of the sentence. When we translate one of these phrases into 
English, or any other language, we do not really translate, but 
substitute our own way of expressing the idea for the native 
way. A literal word-for-word translation would be almost un- 
intelligible. Thus, in the sentence above, Edm Jdt amid, tar te 
kdm tydld sdngd, the words are actually, "Ram going was, 
then that affair to him tell/ 9 where the speaker, as it were, 
pictures to himself that his messenger, after receiving orders, 
goes to Bam and finds that he was just going, and therefore 


tells him the affair. Complicated and of course unconscious 
undercurrents of thought like this underlie much of the 
elaborate mechanism of the compound tenses in all our seven 
languages, and we often find natives of India who can speak 
English composing in our language elaborate sentences of this 
sort, to the entire disregard of our English idioms, because they 
think in Hindi or Marathi, and then translate the idea into 
English. This fact, which all observant Englishmen who have 
lived long in India must have noticed, lies at the root of much 
of the difficulty which our countrymen experience in making 
themselves understood by natives. They think in English, and 
render word for word into Hindi or Marathi ; thus probably 
producing a sentence which means something widely different 
from what they intended. It is the same with all foreign 
languages; until a man learns to think in the foreign language, 
and utter his thoughts in the shape that they have in his mind, 
he can never hope to speak idiomatically. In seeking to 
explain the compound tenses of the modern Indian verb, there- 
fore, it is necessary to analyze the connection and sequence of 
mental impressions to which they owe their origin, a task for 
the metaphysician, and not for the student of comparative 

Oujarati has also a plethora of compound tenses, but they 
are less complicated than Marathi, perhaps because the language 
has been less cultivated. In the simpler languages delicate 
nuances of expression do not exist, and if one wishes to trans- 
late any such phrases into one of these simple languages, it 
must be done by a long string of sentences. Thus, in trying 
to exact from a wild forester of the Orissa hills an answer to 
the question, " Did you know that Ram had run away before 
you went home or afterwards P " one has to go to work in this 
way, "Ram fled?" Answer, ho! (Yes). "You knew that fact P" 
ho ! " You went home P " ho ! " When you reached home they 
told you 'Ram is fled,' thus?" answer nd ! n& ! (No ! No !> 


" "When you did not go home, before that, they told you P " 
ho! So to get out the meaning of the Marathi sentence quoted 
above, " If he should be going, then entrust this affair to him," 
one would have to say, " Near him you having gone, he ' I am 
now going ' having said, this word having heard this matter 
to him you will telL" Perhaps in citing an Orissa wild man 
of the woods, I am taking an extreme case ; but the remarks 
will hold good, more or less, for all the peasantry and lower 
classes all over India, and it must be remembered that the 
expression " lower classes " means in India eight-tenths of the 
whole population. 

The compound tenses formed with the auxiliary % in GK are 
the following : — 

1. Definite present ; aorist of verb + aorist of auxiliary, 
as ^ ^ " he does." 

Sometimes both verb and auxiliary lose their final vowel, as 
*r; * for ^ % " thou dost," ^ * " he does." *<t * for 
*t " ye do," etc. 

2. Definite preterite; p.p. of verb + aorist of auxiliary, as 
^TPZJt $ "he has given," active used in karma construction 
with instrumental of subject. ?Wfr ^TW TOT^J % "he has 
performed the work ; " neuter in kartd, as jf *W^t ^ " I have 

3. Another definite preterite with the second form of the p.p. 
in elo, as ^f%lft *£ " I have ascended." There seems to be no 
great difference of meaning between this and the last. 

4. Definite future ; future participle of verb + aorist of 
auxiliary, as *§TWPCt % " he is about to eat." 

5. Another tense with the second form of the fut. part, in 
v&no, as ft ^RC^nft «► "I am going to do." The uninflected 
form of the future participle in dr may also be used, as g ^ 
VCWPC % "What art thou going to do?" These definite 
futures differ from the simple future in implying intention and 


definite purpose, much as in German er will thun differs from 
er wird thun. 

The auxiliary ^ is sometimes also used after another auxiliary 
derived from bhu, as ^>|cft ^faj % " he is (now) loosing/' 
Of the tenses so formed more will be said further on. 

It seems from comparing the examples given of these tenses 
that there is not for each one of them a distinct special 
meaning, but that they are used somewhat vaguely, the 
auxiliary being added or omitted at pleasure. This is certainly 
the case in Hindi, as will be seen below ; and in the poets, who 
are our only guides for the mediaeval period, metrical necessities, 
rather than any desire to bring out a particular shade of 
meaning, appear to determine which form shall be used. 

Those dialects of Hindi which possess tenses from this root, 
use them also as auxiliaries. 1 Eastern Rajputana has the defi- 
nite present formed by the two aorists, that of the verb and 
that of the auxiliary, ?TH£ tf " I am beating," also a preterite 
composed of the p.p. of the verb and aorist of auxiliary, as 
JJK<|1 $ " I bave beaten." There seems to be some anomaly 
in this latter, for in the preterite of the active verb % is added 
to all six persons, whereas, when used with the substantive 
verb ^t "be," the auxiliary is participial sing, ^t, pi. tjr« 
Perhaps we hardly know enough of these rustic forms as yet 
to be able to draw accurate distinctions. 

Garhwali forms its definite present from the present parti- 
ciple and the aorist 4fK^ (or TT^) ^f "I am beating ; " and 
its preterite in the same way from the p.p. and aorist UTT 9 
"he has beaten," ifTTT W* "they have beaten." So does 
Kumaoni, present *U<3 ^> preterite M\{\ Sf ; but in these, 
also, there is still room for more accurate analysis, and a wider 
range of observations requires to be made in remote and little 
known parts of the country. 

1 Kellogg, Grammar, p. 240. 


Bengali has four well-defined tenses. The definite present 
and imperfect are formed respectively by incorporating the 
aorist and imperfect of the auxiliary into one word with the 
locative case of the present participle, thus — 

Def. Present Tp^Rffif " I am seeing " (dekhite + achhi). 

Def. Imperfect ^f^fJlf^J "I was seeing" (dekhite -f [ajchhinn). 

In the latter of these tenses the 1 pi. has in ordinary speech 
to a great extent usurped the place of the 1 sing., and we more 
frequently hear — 

^fiflftfeJHIH " * was seeing" (dekhite + [a]chhilam). 

By incorporating the same tenses of the auxiliary into one 
word with the conjunctive participle (see § 73), it forms a 
definite preterite and a pluperfect, as 

Def. Preterite ^faq i flfc " I have seen " (dekhiya -f achhi). 
Pluperfect ^ftgtJlfSM " I bad seen " (dekhiya + achhinu). 

Here, also, ^feRnfeWTO is common for 1 sing. Wonderful 
corruptions occur in pronunciation in these tenses : W loses its 
aspirate and becomes ^, so that we hear for qk(\^ a word 
that sounds k&rche, and may be written ^T^> for l\lTT^ " is " 
vulgo hdche (f%), for ^fc€||$ dekhiche (^fcif), and for 
^ftWlfiWW dekhichil&n, or dekKchiUm (^fafaifo??). So 
also for *J|ft?^ " goes " chaldche (^lf%). These forms are 
freely used in conversation by educated persons, and some 
recent authors of comic novels and plays introduce them into 
the mouths of their characters. The same remark applies to 
all tenses of the verb, and it is a curious subject for specula- 
tion, whether the growth of literature will arrest the develop- 
ment of these forms, or whether they will succeed in forcing 
their way into the written language, and displace the longer 
and fuller forms now in use. If the latter event takes place, 
we shall see enacted before our eyes the process of simplifica- 
vol. in. 13 


tion which has been so fertile a cause of the formation of the 
present types in the whole neo- Aryan group. I anticipate, 
however, that the purists, aided by the conservative influence 
of a literature already copious, will ultimately carry the day 
against the colloquial forms. 

Oriya has the four tenses corresponding to Bengali, but only 
two of them are formed with the auxiliary we are now dis- 
cussing, the definite present and the definite preterite — 

Def. Present ^^ ^rfj£ " I am doing " (pres. part, karu " doing "). 
Dcf. Preterite ^f^ ^|fi£ " I have done" (p.p. kari " done "). 

Here, also, colloquially, the auxiliary is generally incorporated 
with the verb, and they say ^rtft$ and *f\fa? respectively. In 
the south of the province, also, the older form of the present 
participle in ^ prevails, and one hears ^T^fip " he is doing, 
and contracted jffif " he is. 

§ 66. BRU. This widely-used root took as early as the Pali 
and Prakrit period the form SO; and in that form it has come 
down to modern times. As the ordinary substantive verb " to 
be," it has a full range of tenses in all the languages, and it 
not only serves as an auxiliary, but takes to itself the tenses of 
the other auxiliaries like any other verb. In the latter capacity 
it need not here be disoussed, as the remarks which have been 
made concerning the ordinary verbs will apply to this verb also. 

Although ho is the general form of this root in all the Indian 
languages, yet there are one or two exceptions in which the 
initial bh is retained. In Pali, both bhwoati and hoti are found 
for 3 sing, pres., abhavd and ahuvd impf., bhavatu and hotu 
impt., and in Sauraseni Prakrit we find bhodu= bhavatu, bhavia 
=bhtitt&, and the like. Distinct traces of the retention of the 
bh are still in existence in some rustic dialects of Hindi, and in 
the old poets. In the latter, a p.p.p. sing, ^ift m., %J% /., pi. 
?HE, is extremely common, used alone as a preterite, or with the 


verbal endings, as V&3, HTC, etc. It is also contracted into 
*ft; and in the modern form *TOT "was,'* may be heard 
commonly in the mouths of the lower orders all over the Hindi 
area of the present time. This form presupposes a Pr. Vff^TVt 
= a Skr. Hftff , with elision of the ^, and ^ called in to fill 
up the hiatus. I give from Kellogg the dialectic forms 
(Gr. p. 236)— 


Kanauji. 1 1. 2. 3. *J*ft m. # ifcf. 

Braj. id. iflft m., id. 

Old-PurbL 1. nm$ m., VR, 2. ^T^ m. a WC3 m., HT 

Avadhi. 1. Iji^m., Ifm, 2. Yfiftl m. 3. ?F!T>H^n m. 

Riwai. 1. 2. 3. VR, q. 

Bhojpuri. 1. Ht?^t,Sfeft, 2. 9fcf, 3. ****, $N. 


Kanauji. 1 1. 2. 3. *nt m -» T^/* (also *T% »•.). 

Braj. irf. 

Old-Ptorbi. 1. yfa, 5)m. 2. qft, ?ti}jr m. 3. ?|i},?tm. 

Avadhi. 1. ?|i} m. 2. ?|i} m. 3. ^f m. 

Riwai. 1. 2. 3. iftq, qftf. 

Bhojpuri. 1. HtT^ft'^ft' *■ ^Wf » 3. Sfcfp^. 

The verbal affixes are the same as those in the ordinary verb 
explained at § 33. Chand uses the same form as in Braj and 

1 Kanauji may be taken to mean the speech of the country between the Ganges 
and Jumna, the heart of the Hindi land; Braj, that of the right bank of the 
Jumna ; Old-Purbi, of the country north of the Ganges from the Gandak river 
eastwards ; Avadhi that of Oudh (Avadh) ; Eiwai, of the country south of the 
Ganges and between the Chambal and the Son rivers. Braj and Old-Puxbi are the 
dialects in use in the mediaeval poets generally. 


Kanauji, thus V^tt *f\fi H 1*141 7ft*? I " He became violently 
disturbed with anger" (Pr. R. i. 48), q|fjj|in<f ypft l^TO I 
"Anangap&l became King" (iii. 17), xpf WWt ^tt V^ I ?T*ft 
flf ^ft VWf I " How the former matter happened, listen while 
I tell the'wonderful tale" (iii. 15), ipf ffc! ^ ^W I " While 
the son was being (born), she became dead " (i. 170), HH ^nf|[ 
*hf ^rf'rTr faHT I " As many poems as have been (written) first 
and last " (i. 10), ifl[ fa*W *Prt ^n^T * HTO 1 " The folk be- 
came distressed, (being) wounded and heated " (xxi. 5). Con- 
tracted *PI Ht YTO IVf Jjf'l ^IH^f 1 " Daughter became (arose) 
in her mind, then after pity came" (iii. 10). The use of this 
tense is so common in Chand as to supersede the other form of 
the preterite S^R to a great extent. 

A few examples* may be added from Kabir: ^fiTOT TRf 

TnTffil W^ I *TO ITflT ^NT *t ^TO I " Her second name 
teas P&rvati, the ascetic (i.e. Daksha) gave her to Sankara" 

(Ram. 26, 5), 33 $** %*? *T<* I, Tff^f ^f*T TR *ft ^IT<t I 

" One male (energy), one female, from them were produced four 
kinds of living beings " (ib. 6), H* ^fa ^NlT 51 *ff OT *TO 
Wft ^^\K " From one egg, the word Om, all this world has 
been created" (ib. 8). In these three quotations all three 
forms of the participle are used side by side. 

Tulsi Das does not confine himself to Old-Purbi forms, but 
uses, also, those classed above under Bra], as ?rof ^tfT Vfift 
Tiff, MKI " It filled again and thus became salt (i.e. the sea) " 
(Lanka-k. 3), D^pfr? iHC *ftT ^rf* I " The Setubandh became 
very crowded" (ib. 10). But the Purbi form is more common, 
as in UTO TnC ^JWT ^T VFHR " Bowing his head, thus he was 
asking " (Kis-k. 2), ^f^ ^T*71 ^iffl TO VW& " Making salu- 
tation, thus he teas saying " (Ar-k. 259). The contracted form 
is also very common, as 5) *p| Ijf^fl in^ fiRT ^TW I " He be- 
came (or was) enraptured at meeting with the beloved " 
(Ay-k. 441). 



Closely connected with the Bhojpuri Sfcf is the form ifo, 
used by the half-Bengali half-Maithil poet Bidyapati, as in 

*prSta *f^: i£t Star *nr<t i, *pr %m ^tf^r ^ Star wet i 

"Empty has become the temple, empty has become the city, 
empty have become the ten regions, empty has become every- 
thing ! " (Pr. KS. 118), *ftW **T^ *rf* Star iftTT I " From 
the sound of the tail's notes my mind has become distracted " 
(ib. 120). It does not vary for gender or person. 

I am not aware of the existence in any of the other 
languages of this type with the initial bh. It is, as far as I 
have been able to ascertain, confined to the rustic Hindi dialects 
mentioned above. In all other respects Hindi keeps to the 
type ho, like the cognate languages. 

The aorist has the following forms : — 



Hindi. 1 

.ft* 2.ftf 




P. 1 

• ftat 2.fff 





S. 1 

¥^t 2.*% 

3. mj. 



3. mrf»| 

G. 1 


3. ft*. 



3. ft*. 

M. 1 

• ftfj 2 -frt^ 

3. ft*. 



3. frt?i- 

0. 1 

• ft* 2.1* 





B. 1 

•fT 2.f* 

3. f?J. 



3. , pr. 

In Hindi this tense, as mentioned before, is frequently used 
as a potential in all verbs, and especially so in ho, where, owing 
to the existence of an aorist with signification of " I am," etc., 
from as, the tense derived from ho is more usually employed to 
mean " I may be." The P&rbatia or Nepali dialect also uses 
this tense as a potential, thus — 

Sing. 1. ff , 2. frtr, 3. ft. PL 1. ff, 2. ft, 3. JH|. 

Several peculiarities call for notice in this tense. In classical 
Hindi there is the usual diversity of practice always observed 
in stems ending in d or o, as regards the method of joining the 


terminations. Thus we have for 1 sing, ft in addition to 
^t^T; 2 and 3 sing, are written ^tlf> ^t*J, ^t^, and ^t; 1 and 
3 pi. ftlt, ff^ # fW, ft; 2 pL ft as well as fWt, which 
makes it identical with the same person in the aorist of as. 

Dialectically the chief peculiarity, which, like most dialectic 
forma, is merely an archaism preserved to modern times, con- 
sists in the hardening of the final o of ho into v. This is 
observable in the Bajputana dialects, and partially also in that 
of Riwa (Kellogg, p. 233). 


»»jp. 1. $tf 2. t «. t 1- t^t 2. £*ft 3. £. 

Riwfti. 2. JTO 3. IJfr. 2. XJ* 3. jW- 

This peculiarity is more marked in the simple future noted 
below. It also occurs in M., where the aorist, as shown above, 
when used as a past habitual = " I used to be," takes the termi- 
nations of the active verb ; but when used as a simple present, 
those of the neuter, as — 

sing.i.frir 2.frtr*r. n-i-jff 2.*t 3. ft*. 

The same combination occurs throughout this tense when 
used negatively =" I am not," as — 

Sing. 1. ijjf 2. lf^ 3. ifj. 

PI. 1. irjff 2. ifXt 3. if^TT {*&*). 

and in other parts of the verb affirmative and negative. 

In Sindhi this root is throughout shortened to hu, and when 
the vowel is lengthened by the influence of affixes, it beoomes 
hit, rarely ho, except in poetry, where 3 sing. ^^ ** met instead 
of JH[. The y, which in some forms of Prakrit is inserted 
between the stem and its termination, appears here also, as — 

sing. i. jnrt 2. jftf 3. y%. pi. i. jn£ 2. jnit 3. jnift . 

Oriya sometimes shortens o to u 9 but in that language the 
distinction in pronunciation between these two vowels is so 


slight that in writing also the people often confuse the two. 
In a great part of this verb, however, the o is changed to a 
very short e. This is generally, but not always, due to a 
following t, where, from the shortness and indistinctness of the 
o-sound, o + t = a + i = ai = e. Thus 2 sing, is in full \%, 
though generally pronounced ho. In Bengali the o is generally 
written a, that vowel having in B. usually the sound of short, 
harsh o, like the o in English not, rock, etc. Thus it conies to 
pass that fif and fif may be regarded, either as shortened from 
ffaf and ft*f respectively, and thus derivable from ho, or as 
equivalents of H. ^ and^f, and so to be referred to as. In 
practice, certainly, the meaning in which they are used favours 
the latter hypothesis. 

The imperative in H. is the same as the aorist, except 2 sing., 
which is simply ft " be thou." In the Rajput dialects the 

2 sing, is J, 2 pi. ffaft ; the former occurs also in Chand as a 

3 sing, in *R *Jtftr *«fjt & ftrflf ftffW » " All speaking, said, 
' May there be success, success ! ' " (i. 178) The Biwa dialect has 
2 sing, jra, 2 pi. XT*r> l*ke the present. 

P. 2 sing, ft, 2 pi. ffaft. S. has 2 sing, ft and ffa, 2 pi. 
ft and jNft. G. for 2 sing, and 2 pi. both ft. 

M. Sing. 1. ft^t 

a fr 

3- ^Wti ftar- 

o. ,, i. jnt 

2. fr 


B. „ 

2. YtaY* 

3. f^J*. 

M. PI. 1. fM 

2- XT 

0. „ 1. $* 

2. V* 

3. %^J. 

B. „ 

2. f^ 

. 3. f^. 

The respectful form of the imperative follows that of the 
other verbs in the various languages. H. here inserts 9f, 
making ftfti} " be pleased to be, 11 G. fti|. 

Nepali has somewhat abnormally 2 sing. f*J, 2 pL fta. 

The simple future in G. is formed according to the usual 


rule ; but here again we meet the tendency so common in B. 
and 0., to express the o sound by a, so that side by side with 
the regular forms ^tt^T* ftSh etc., we have also sing. 1. ^t?T> 
2. ^?t, 3. ^t? pl* 1- Y^lf> 2. fjjt, 3. ^, which we must 
apparently pronounce hdlsh, hdshe, etc. 

The simple future in old and rustic Hindi is regularly 
formed, as ft^^t " I shall become/' etc. ; but in this tense the 
employment of the type J is very common, both in the poets 
and among the peasantry of the western area. Thus — 


Braj. l.ftff 2. £| 3. ff. 1. f| 2. £tf 3. Jflf. 

WcstRajp. 1.$* 2. tft 3.$ft- 1. £tf 2. Jft 3. £f*. 

We have also the curious transitional form of East Rajpu- 
tana which approaches so closely to Gk — 

Sing. 1. ^£, ^^ 2. J^Ft 3. ^fr. 

PI - !• £^t» 3^Bt 2. ^ft, ^Bft 3. ^ft. 

Further details of these dialectic forms will be found in 
Kellogg' 8 admirable grammar. When the wilder parts of the 
country, at present little known to Europeans, shall have been 
more fully explored, we may expect to obtain many finer gra- 
dations of transition ; for all over India the Gujarati proverb 
holds true, " Every twelve kos language changes, as the leaves 
change on the trees." 

The Braj form is interesting to students from the fact of this 
dialect having become at an early date the traditional literary 
vehicle of the Krishna-cu/to*, and thus to a certain extent a 
cultivated classical language. Its forms, however, are found 
in Chand long before the revival of Yaishnavism. He uses the 
full form TtT$> a shortened form ^tf%, and the Braj 5$. 
Also occasionally ^C ^ a future sense, which is probably a 
form of the 3 sing, aorist for ^gtH (THE)* Examples are 11$ 
Vtl$ fiP! *fcn[ • " Hi 8 T2LCe 8 h&H become extinct " (Pr.-H. iii. 


29 )> ftfif SRpjrfW ^TJTTf R " The Jadavani shall be with child " 
(i. 249), fi^R VR % **t lfrT?t^fVufif U"In the space 
of five days, he shall become lord of Dilli" (iii. 411), JfUT 1 ^ffa 
$$ *T ^irtT I " There has not been, and there shall not be, any 
(like him) " (i. 331). 

To Tulsi Das, Kabir, Bihari Lai, and all the mediaeval poets 
f^T^> Vt^ff » Vtf^' and ft^ are the forms of the ordinary regular 
future ; fl^TT is very rarely met in their pages, if at all. In- 
stances are, ?|% % ^Hfff % ^jtrtl ^nf3| [ " They who have been, 
are, and shall be hereafter" (Tulsi, Earn. Bal-K. 30), YtrfY 
Vffi m^m m I " Now this good fortune will be (will happen) " 
(ib. 82), ^nilf T$i Jn *m TC fttff TR VnT I " Henceforth, 
Rati, the name of thy lord shall be Ananga" (ib. 96). The form 
$$ does not appear to be used by Tulsi Das, though in Bihari 
Lai the participle J is common ; this latter poet's subject does 
not give much occasion for the use of the future. ^WfK ^HW 
1 T^T? *rrt?t " There shall not again be birth to him (he shall 
escape the pain of a second birth)" (Kabir, Earn. 57). In the 
majority of the poets the forms hvai and hoi seem to be regarded 
as virtually the same, and they use indifferently the one or the 
other as it suits their metre. There is unfortunately as yet no 
critically prepared or corrected edition of the texts of any of 
them, and owing to the mistaken policy of the Government, 
by which artificial works written to order have been prescribed 
as examination tests, the genuine native authors have been 
entirely neglected. 

§ 67. The participial tenses are formed as in the ordinary 
verb. The present participle is in Old-H. JHfo> as in Chand 
Wf V*fa f*l<Vlf\ "Laughing being prevented" (Pr.-R. i. 6). 
In modern H. the classical form is ftflT *»., ^faft/, Braj ftj ; 
and in most of the rustic dialects simply ^tff indeclinable. In 
the Rajputana dialects the form Jjft is found. The other 
languages have P. ^[T, S. Tf^t, Q. fWt, M. ftfl, ftflt> 


YtatTT* 0. %^, B. tfYlf^, though really the locative of a 
present participle is used as an infinitive. 

The past participle is in H. one of the old Tadbhava class 
mentioned in §§ 46, 47, and as such takes its type from Skr. 
Wf, H. jpiff. The vowel of the stem is in the present day 
commonly pronounced short JHRf, and this practice is not un- 
common in the poets. P. ftT^T> S. jnft, Q. ft^ti fWtt 


M. has a strange participle UTWT, which may be explained 
as phonetically resulting from an older form UTWT, shortened 
from ft^mTT- I can trace nothing similar in any of the cog- 
nate languages, though the change from H to || is perfectly 
regular. In the poets a form STOT is found, and even 4111111. 
These types have led some writers to regard this participle as 
derived from the root JR. This, however, is very doubtful 
Tukaram always uses *T°, as ^nf*f JT% 1W* I W *TOT fT 
f^TCJ I "To-day our vows are heard, blessed has became (is) 
this day " (Abh. 508). 

o. ^Yt> %wt, b. qIih, i^ir. 

The future participle is in M. 3fRT> 0. f^, B. f^W, con- 
tracted to fW ,(hob6). 

These participles serve as tenses, either with or without the 
remains of the old substantive verb, just as in the regular verb, 
and need not be more particularly illustrated. 

One point, however, deserves a passing notice. The present 
participle in M. forms with the aid of the substantive verb as 
a regular present, as 3 sing. ft?ft m. fttft /• ffitf n. But the 
slightly different form of this tense, which in the ordinary 
verb (§ 42) expresses the conditional present, is in the case of 
ho employed as an imperfect. Thus, while the form just given, 
hoto, etc., means " he becomes/' the conditional form hotd, etc., 
means " he was." This usage is analogous to that of the G. 
hato, etc., mentioned in § 59, and agrees with a form of preterite 
used in Braj Hindi, sing, yift m., jnft/ etc. It has been 


suggested that this latter is derived from Skr. WJ ; but against 
such a derivation must be set the fact that bh&ta had at a very 
early epoch lost its t and become in Pr. Mam, ho'iam, and the 
like ; also that in Chand the anusw&ra of the present participle 
is still preserved, as in ^pi ^hlt £41(11 <| HtK I (P*.-R. i. 49), 
" Brahman became to Brahman hostile ; " and a few lines 
further on in the same passage ^H jfrft filf'TO f\*M " There 
was one &ringa Rishi." 

§ 68. The tenses of the regular verb formed by the additions 
of parts of the verb ho are numerous, but vary in the different 
languages. In Hindi we have mostly tenses with a general 
sense of doubt or contingency, in which those compounded 
with the present participle run parallel to those formed with 
the past participle. Thus with ftKfll "falling," and ftr^T 
"fallen" (gir "to fall")— 

1. ftRfll ^fat (aorist of ho) " I may be falling," which may 
be called a definite present subjunctive or contingent; as in 
answer to a question ^n^ ^RC *ft Tft " Are you going to my 
house P" one might answer WTCTT ffafr "I may be going (but 
am not sure)." 

2. fipcn iffT (future of ho shortened from ^Wrr) " I shall 
or must be falling," a future contingent, or doubtful; as in 
asking Tfl ^Pflft ^TWr % " Is Ram coming now P" the reply 
is> Tt ^TRfT TtfT "Yes, he will be coming," or, "he must be 
coming," Le. " I suppose he is now on his way here." 

3. f^roiT ^talT "(If) I were falling," conditional present 
definite. This is very rarely used, but it seems to denote a 
phase of action which could not, when occasion requires, be 
otherwise expressed. It may be illustrated thus: TJH 3|f^ 
1TWT ftffT flt % ^rift TtafflT " If Bam were now running 
away, I would stop him " (but as he is not, there is no need for 
me to do so). It is the present participle of the auxiliary used 
in a conditional sense, as in the simple verb. 


4. fir^T ^fat "I may have fallen." Also somewhat rare. In 
answer to 7JU % ^TC!% THT ^TOft *PJT " Have you ever heard 
his name P" one might say *P!T ^fat " I may have heard it " 
(but have now forgotten it). 

5- fir^T ^JT " I must or shall have fallen." This is a very 
commonly used tense. Thus jr^fT ^tTT is a frequent answer 
where a person is not sure, or does not care; and is almost 
equivalent to "I dare say," " very likely," " I shouldn't wonder." 
Also, it indicates some degree of certainty, as ^T*T % 4J4I4 
M|€|| % "Has Bam received the news P" Answer, Ml*ll 1 (tWt 
"He will have received it," meaning "Oh yes, of course he 
has," or with a different inflection of voice, " I dare say he 

6. t^PCT itflT " (If) I had fallen." Hardly ever used, except 
in a negative sentence. I do not remember to have heard it in 
conversation ; though an analogous form with the participle of 
^ may be heard in eastern Hindi, as <jji? *|f^[ W^f 'WJH Tf?l 
"If you had come yesterday." The only instance Kellogg 
gives is apparently from a translation of the Bible (John xv. 22) 
3ft %f H ^TRTT ifalT ^T *«T *TR T ftflT " If I had not come . . . 
they had not had sin." 

Panjabi makes a somewhat different use of the tenses of ho. 
In this language ho, when used as an auxiliary, has rather the 
sense of continuance in an act, than that of doubt or con- 
tingency. Thus we find the ordinary definite present Wt^T % 
" He is going," side by side with a continuative present with 
ho, *rt<^T ^[T %"He kept on going;" also, "He is in the 
habit of going." So, also, there is a continuative imperfect 
it^T ^[T ^H " He kept on going," " He was always going." 
Similarly, there are two forms of the future, one with the 
simple future of ho (like No. 2 in Hindi given above) *rU[T 
Yt^iTT " He will probably be going," and a continuative form 
containing ho twice over, Wt^T Jft^T Y^OT " He will probably 
be always going." Thus, to the question ^f fad 9 !!} f^ ^ft 


r Ti ^l fW>JT "How long will he be stopping there P" the 
answer might be, ^ ^Bf ^T ^ ^ ^5f in ^T ^BTT^T ^ 
iXt^ l ^[T f^TT "His home is there, he will probably 
always be stopping there." "With % " if " prefixed, the tense 
Wt^T if^T means " If I were in the habit of going." 

Parallel to the above are two tenses with the aorist of ho : 
*t^T fttt " I may be going," and with " if " prefixed, " If I 
should be going;" and wt^T Jf^T ft^ft "I may be constantly 
going," " If I should be always going." 

With the past participle they combine the present participle 
of ho, as Tf^f^H Sfc^T " I would have put," and conditionally, 
% $f Tf^Hl *^T " If I had put," " If I should have put ; " 
as in ^f % ^Prf^lf lnfYlt ^ fW fi^lTT ^[T ^t VPj OffiHW 
jfrc^T " If he had given the money into the care (lit. hand) of 
the merchant, then we should have got it." 

There is also a combination of the past tense with the aorist 
of ho, as flra ^t% " He may have gone," or, " If he has (per- 
chance) gone." 

Colloquially, they frequently also insert ^t^R pleonasti- 
cally in phrases where it is difficult tp attach to it any definite 
meaning. Thus ^T ^flTO % "he has sent," and ^flTO 
VtYKT ^ " he is having sent." In this latter phrase there is, 
perhaps, implied the idea of the action having been performed 
some time ago, and being still in force, so that it harmonizes 
with the generally continuative meaning of ho as an auxiliary 
in Panjabi. Also, though it is not noticed in the grammar, I 
remember having heard frequently this word hoid, repeated 
probably for emphasis, as J4|f\*H ^t^JIT Tt^TT "beaten" 
(repeatedly, or very much indeed). 

In Sindhi the present and past participle are both com- 
pounded with the aorist of ho to form potentials, thus — 1. 
1&^t 3nt"hemay be going;" 2. ^fcnftint "he may have 
gone." There does not appear to be in this language so strong 
a sense of doubt, or of continuance, in these combinations, as in 


H. and P., probably because ho plays a more important part in 
S. than does as, which is represented by only one tense, or achh, 
which is not represented at all. 

3. Y^ftft \ft " he was going." This is the present participle 
of the verb with the preterite of ho. 

4. ^faNft ^t " he had gone." The past participle with the 
same. These two are exactly parallel. 

6. ^ll^t ^ft " he will be going/' Definite future, made 
up of present participle with future of ho, 

6. iflNt Jt^t " he will have gone." Fast future, the past 
participle with the same. These two are also exactly parallel. 

In the passive phase of active verbs there are also six tenses 
formed by the same process, whereof 2, 4, and 6 are the same 
as in the active, or, in other words, these two tenses may be 
construed either actively or passively, according to the struc- 
ture of the sentence. Trumpp gives them twice over, probably 
for this reason : 

1- $fy41 int "he may be being released." Future parti- 
ciple passive (§ 51) with aorist of ho. 

3. Wfipft ^t "he was being released." The same with 
preterite of ho. 

5. Vftwt ifcft "he will he being released." The same with 
future of ho. 

Gujarati employs ho in the following tenses (Taylor, p. 92), 
mostly dubitative (chad " ascend ") : 

1. Present participle + aorist, f\4^\ ^faf "he is ascending." 
Definite present. 

2. The same + future, ^>(<ft fij "he may be ascending." 
Contingent present. 

3. The same + pres. part, indeclinable, ^RRft ^t*l " (if) he 
were ascending." Subjunctive present. 

A parallel group with past participle : 
1. Past p. + aorist, 'TOft ^faf " he has ascended." Definite 


2. The same + future, ^jt ^ "he may have ascended." 
Contingent preterite. 

3. The same + pres. p. ind., ^jt l^T "(if) he had ascended.' 1 
Subjunctive preterite. 

The same combinations may be formed with the p.p. in elo, 
as ^|%Wt ft^l> but there does not seem to be any very great 
difference in the meaning. 

Also a group with future participle; in the form vdno 
(see § 52)— 

1. Fut. p. -faorist, ^iqrpft Vfc "he is about to ascend." 
Definite future. 

2. The same + future, ^fTPft ^ "he may be about to 
ascend." Contingent future. 

3. The same + pres. p. ind., *|>tfi||qt ?t*f " (if) he were about 
to ascend." Subjunctive future. 

An example of the use of the last of these tenses is ?f ift 
WtaTTWt ftl! Wt Vt^ " If he were going to (or had intended 
to) release me, he would have released me (long ago)." Three 
similar tenses are formed by combining the three above parts 
of the auxiliary with the participle in dr or tiro, which, as in 
Marathi, is rather the noun of the agent, and will be discussed 
further on (§ 75). 

Compound tenses in Marathi are formed so largely by the 
auxiliaries derived from as and achh, that there is comparatively 
little left for ho to do. It is used in the following tenses : 

Imperfect, made up of present part, and imperfect of ho, as 
Wt *fa ffafT " he was coming." 

" Incepto-continuative " imperfect, as the grammar- writers 
call it, made from the present part, and the preterite of ho, as 
ift WtlRTT Huff " he began to speak/' This is rarely used. 

Future preterite formed by the future participle and im- 
perfect of ho, as ift ftlffUlK ^ff "I was to have written," i.e. 
" It had been arranged that I was to write under certain cir- 
cumstances." The example given is jf\ qrra ^TPPUT 1% 3ftTFt 


have called (yen&r hot&n) on you yesterday, but in my body 
illness having been (i.e. feeling unwell), I stayed at home." 

Future continuative composed of the present participle and 
future of ho, as lit WtlRTT ^t]^r " he will begin to speak (and 
go on speaking)/ 1 

Imperfect subjunctive, from the subjunctive (future pass, 
part.) and imperfect of ho used in the Karma prayoga, as Wt 
^rtTpr T^' " vou should have told," lit. " by you to be told 
it was." This may also be expressed by using TTrfl% " ought," 
as TOfT ^Wltf ^nff% ^KW " I ought to have walked." 

Another preterite phrase is formed by adding the imperfect 
of ho to the neuter genitive of the future pass, part., as TOTT 
^mrRTf^f WW " I h®*! *° walk," i.e. " I was obliged to walk." 

It will be seen that all these instances of the use of ho as an 
auxiliary are rather elaborate verbal phrases than tenses, in- 
genious and successful attempts at filling up the gap caused 
by the loss of a large range of synthetical tenses and participles 
from the earlier stage of language. 

This verb is not used as an auxiliary in 0. or B., though it 
is used as an ancillary to form a pedantic sort of passive 
with Tatsama p.p. participles, as B. Ufa/I ft^> 0. Jlf^TT^WT 
" to be sent." This, however, forms no part of the actual 
living languages of either Orissa or Bengal, and may be passed 
over with just this much notice. 

§ 69. STHA. The Pali and Prakrit forms of the various 
tenses of this verb were given in § 12, where also the principal 
parts of the verb in S. G. and 0. were given. In Hindi there 
is only one part of this verb in use as an auxiliary, namely, the 
participial tense thd " was," sing. ^T #*•> *ft/- ; pi- $ ^., ^t/. ! 

1 I had formerly connected this tense thd with G. and Braj hato and been thus 
led to refer it to as ; bat farther research, aided by the dialectic forms brought to 
light by Kellogg and others, has led me to abandon that view, and to adopt that 
given in the text, — diet diem doeet. 


This form is, I believe, shortened from f%pft> said that again 
from the Skr. p.p.p. flgR! • It is therefore analogous to the 
shortened forms of other p.p. participles so largely employed in 
the modern languages. "We saw in Vol. II. p. 275, how the 
genitive postposition kd had been evolved by a long and 
varied process from Skr. krita ; so, also, gd in the H. and F. 
future from gata, bhd in Old-Hindi from bh&ta, Id and la in M., 
and other futures from lagna ; and in exact parallelism to these 
is thd from sthita. 

The Kanauji Hindi has sing, ^t w», ift /.; pi. ^ m., ^f/. ; 
but the Garhwali still preserves a fuller type in sing, ^flft w., 
^/. ; pi. ^PBTT w. Nearer still to sthita, and with incorpora- 
tion of the Skr. root as, so as to make a regular imperfect, is 
the Nepali " I was," etc. — 

Sing.l.ftraf 2.ftp^ 3.fa*n. PI. Lf^ 2.f%T^ 3.f%RIT- 

Nepali is not an independent language, but merely a dialect 
of Hindi. The people who speak it call it P&rbatiya or 
mountain Hindi ; it may therefore appropriately be taken into 
consideration in arguing as to the origin of Hindi forms. YfT 
is used in Hindi in two tenses only. 

1. "With present participle, WtWflT *TT "was speaking." 

2. With past participle, WtWT 1JT "had spoken." Pluperfect. 
In P. CT is occasionally used, though ^T, in its numerous 

forms, is far more common. This verb is also used with a full 
range of tenses in Sindhi. Trumpp 1 calls it an auxiliary, but 
I can find no instances of its being used to form tenses of the 
ordinary neuter or active verb like as or bhti, and it takes parts 
of the latter to form its own compound tenses. There are, 
however, two parts of sthd in use as auxiliaries in Sindhi, the 
former of which ^t probably = f^HI* nom., and the latter 

1 Grammar, p. 805. 
tol. ni. 14 


^=f^r^ he. yff agrees with the subject in gender, and is 
used to form with the aorist an indefinite present — 

Sing. 1. fUt ^ft »»• flTt 

pi. i . ^▼r «. *^f*rtf /♦ " i go," etc. 

This auxiliary differs from all others in the seven languages, 
in that it may be put before the principal verb. ^ has the 
same peculiarity, and is used to make a continuative imperfect 
with the past participle of the principal verb ; it does not vary 
for gender or person. Thus — 

Sing. 1. fftrcft ^ 2. ffWTt %• 

PI- 1- ^flPVTOt ^f • etc, " I used to go," or simply " I was going." 

Examples are — 

^ ^rref WTC % Wn[ ^ f^nntf " Two women were quarrelling (the 
vidahytin) about a child." 

ffftRTT ^ *RTT ^ Mi^fi} % f*M\ " Two men were going (the bid) 
to a foreign country." ' 

Here the auxiliary precedes, and with reference to the sug- 
gested origin of this auxiliary from the locative sthite, it is 
more natural that it should do so, for the verb, whether in a 
simple or compound tense, naturally comes last in the sentence, 
so that the phrase "I am (in the act or condition of) having 
gone," is rendered " in having been, I am gone." 

Gk has also the full verb in all its tenses, and it may ap- 
parently be used as an auxiliary just as ho. As regards 
meaning, Jf^ is more powerful than ft$; the latter, also, is 
more powerful than $. There are thus three grades of sub- 
stantive verb. ^ "he is," is merely the copula; ffal "he 
is, or becomes," is a definite expression of existence ; ^TCf " he 
remains," is positive and prolonged existence. The distinction, 

1 Stack, Grammar, pp. 134, 135. 


as pointed out before, is analogous to that between ser and 
estar in Spanish. 

^pj forms compound tenses by taking parts of ft*t as 
auxiliaries, just as the ordinary verb, thus — 

Imperfect *nft ^ft, as in % WT^ ^ft X^ "That fight was going 


Preterite *r*ft ffc %» a* in ?fy " 1 *" ^ ftf % "His heart 
has become hard." 

Dubitative present ^(?ft ^|, as in ^ ^ IJVfliqt ^Hft ^ "There- 
fore yon may now be regretting," and so on. 1 

In Oriya this verb plays a somewhat different part. It is 
there used not as a second auxiliary side by side with ho, but 
to the exclusion of it, and forms, with the participles of the 
principal verb, a range of well-defined tenses, which cannot be 
expressed otherwise. 

1. "With the present participle (kar "do ") q^ " doing " — 

a. Aorist of thd *Ef\ V(m> karu tk&e, "he is (or was) doing." Con- 

tinaative present. 

b. Preterite „ q^f%TWT,kani thil&, "he was doing." Imperfect. 

c. Future „ ^P^f^Pf, karu thibS, "he will be doing." Con- 

tinuatiye future. 

2. With the past participle ^ft " done " — 

a. Aorist of thd ^f^ ^TTH " he has (usually) done." Habitual 

6. Preterite „ ^f^ f^TWT " he had done." Pluperfect. 
c. Future „ ^f^ ftHC " he will have done." Future past. 

The difference between la and 2a is very delicate, and rather 
difficult to seize. Kara thde implies that a person habitually 

1 The examples are from Leckey, Grammar, pp. 76, 81. 


does an act, and thus that he was doing it at the time 
mentioned, according to his usual custom. Thus, to a question 
% 4JI4< 'TJ ftrWI "Was he sitting in the market P" the answer 
might be ^t %f«J ^ ^TTH "Yes, he always sits there ;" and thus 
it is implied that he was sitting there at the time referred to. 
So again, ^Tl iffi %§£ ^nfoWT 1J HW^5 Wf$ "When the 
doctor came, I was getting well/' implying that I had been im- 
proving before he came, and continued to do so. Kari thde, on 


the other hand, literally, " He remains having done," implies 
a habit which is not necessarily in force at the time referred to, 
as HK*II Ufa fllfK TO TR 1YT *TTH "He is always very 
angry with his wife," not implying that he is actually angry 
at the moment of speaking. It is also used of an action which 
lasted some time, but has now ceased, as % CTTO^ ^TOT TO 
itJT T^[ ^TTH 1 "At that time I had a bad cough," implying 
that he had a cough which lasted a long while, but from which 
he has now recovered. Both tenses thus imply continuity, but 
the former indicates continuity still existing, the latter con- 
tinuity in past time, which has now ceased. 

There are similarly two imperatives formed respectively with 
the present and past participles — 

<*• 1^ W{ " Remain tboa doing." 

b. ^f^ ^TT " Remain thou having done." 

Here, also, the same fine distinction is drawn as in the other 
.tenses. *ftPt^ % *FRT 1^ VTZ " Let Gobind go on doing that 
work." But, as Hallam well remarks (Grammar, p. 153), "The 
Oriya very often uses a past participle in his mode of thought, 
where we should use the present." 8 He illustrates this tense 

1 Hallam, Oriya Grammar, p. 78. 

* I had the advantage of assisting Mr. Hallam when he was writing his grammar, 
and the definition of this tense was a source of much difficulty and discussion. He 
consulted a large number of natives, both educated and uneducated, the former as to 
the rationale, and the latter as to the practice. The latter, without knowing the 
reason why, often corrected karu thd into kari thd instinctively, and a large range 
of observations led to his adopting the definition in which I have followed him. 


thus : " Suppose a person should say to another, ' Do that work 
*o/ and the person addressed should reply, ' I have done it *o/ 
and the first speaker should then say, ' "Well, always do it so/ 
or, ' Continue to do it so/ this last phrase would be expressed 
by this tense.' 9 Ex. gr. : — 

3% *tff ira %*rf*r **r " Do that work *° •" 

Answer W %tff7| trf^fe % " I have done it so," or, "as (you order) 

so I have done.' 9 
Rejoinder ^P(T %Tf7T ifT Wt " Well, always do so,' 9 literally, " thus 

having done, remain. 99 

Here, if we used karu thd, we should imply that the person 
addressed was actually doing the work while we were speaking, 
while kari thd is used when he is not actually working. 

Lastly, there is a pair of tenses with the conditional — 

qp( fltTTT " he might he doing, 99 or, " if he were doing. 99 
if^C ^Thn " De might have done, 99 or, " if he had done. 99 

These explain themselves. 

Bengali does not employ the primary form of this auxiliary, 
but has instead a secondary stem derived from it. This is 
WPB, which is conjugated throughout in the sense of remain- 
ing, and partakes of the combined senses of continuity and 
doubt peculiar to this verb. There are, strictly speaking, no 
compound tenses formed by this verb, and the method of its 
employment is rather that of an ancillary verb. 

§ 70. tJ. This root takes the form *n, and is used in H. 
P. M., occasionally in G. and B., and usually in 0., to form 
the passive voice. G. having a passive intransitive of its own 
(§ 24), does not often have recourse to this verb, and S. having 
a regularly derived synthetical passive (§ 25), dispenses with it 
altogether. When used as in H. P. and M. to form a passive. 


it is compounded with the past participle of the principal verb, 
as (dekh " see ")— 

H. Aorist \*$J Wm " he is seen." P. f^JT 9TRT- 

Imperfect \*&\ 9ITWt " be ye seen." fi^dl *TPTt» 

Future ^^TT WnpTT " be will be seen." f^AI IT^TT- 

So also in M. and O. The various tenses of WT are formed in 
the same manner as other verbs. When compounded with any 
other part of the verb than the past participle, yd is ancillary, 
and is used in various other senses. 

There has been, in former times, much discussion about this 
form of the passive, some writers declaring it inelegant, others 
considering it unusual and opposed to the genius of the Indian 
languages, while some have even gone so far as to deny its 
existence altogether. The most discerning inquirers, however, 
admit it as a form in actual use, though they point out certain 
circumstances which obviate the necessity for recourse to it. 
Such are the existence of a large class of neuter verbs, the 
practice of changing the object into a subject, and figurative 
expressions like "to eat a beating/' mdr khdnd, " it comes into 
seeing,' 1 dekhne men dtd, and the like. Speaking as one who 
has lived in daily and hourly intercourse with natives of India 
for nearly twenty years, I can testify to the use of this form 
by speakers of Hindi, Panjabi, Bengali, and Oriya frequently, 
and even habitually. Idiomatically, many other ways of ex- 
pressing the passive idea undoubtedly exist, and in some lan- 
guages, as Bengali and Marathi, ho may be used to form a 
passive. There are phrases and occasions, however, where it 
would be more idiomatic to use the passive Jd than any other 
construction, and we may conclude that, though its use is some- 
what restricted, it is erroneous to describe it as always in- 
elegant and unidiomatic, and still more so to deny its existence 


§ 71. By using the expression " compound tense " in a wider 
sense than that in which it has been employed in the former 
part of this chapter, we may legitimately include under it that 
large and varied class of phrases in which two verbal stems are 
used together to express one idea. In such a combination the 
first verb remains unchanged, and all the work of conjugation 
is performed by the second, which acts, so to speak, as a hand- 
maid to the first. For this second verb I have thought it 
advisable to employ the term " ancillary," as expressing more 
clearly than any other that occurs to me, the actual relation 
between the two. The ancillary verb differs from the auxiliary, 
in that the former runs through all the tenses of the verb, 
and the principal verb on which it waits remains unchanged, 
while the latter only forms certain specified tenses in compo- 
sition with several parts of the principal verb, being attached 
now to the present, now to the past or future participle. Thus, 
the tenses formed by the aid of auxiliaries are integral portions 
of the primary simple verb. In the case of the ancillary, on 
the other hand, it, together with the principal verb, forms, in 
fact, a new verb, which, though consisting of two elements, 
must be regarded for conjugational purposes as essentially one 
throughout. Thus, the elements mdr "strike," and ddl 
"throw," combine into the compound verb mdr ddlnd "to 
kill," which is conjugated through the whole range of simple, 
participial, and compound tenses of ddlnd, mdr remaining 

Grammarians have invented many strange names for these 
verbs with ancillaries, calling them Frequentatives, Inceptives, 
Permissives, Acquisitives, and many other -ives. It would, 
perhaps, be simpler not to seek to invent names for all, or 
any of them, but merely to note the combinations that exist 
with their meanings. Indeed, it is hardly possible to group 
them into classes, because, in practice, some ancillaries may be 
combined with any verb in the language, while others again 


can only be combined with one or two specific verbs. More- 
over, there are exceptions to the general rule that a verb with 
an ancillary runs through the whole range of tenses, for some 
ancillaries are only employed in one tense, or in two tenses ; 
thus lag, in Hindi, is usually only employed in the past tense, 
as kahne lagd " he began to say." Some again are formed in 
only one tense in one language, while they may be used in 
several tenses in another language. 

The subject is a very wide one, for the number of primary 
verbal stems in the seven languages being small, they are 
driven to express complicated ideas by combining two of them 
together. They have also lost the facility of expressing such 
ideas which is possessed by most original Aryan languages, 
through the upasargas, or prepositions, and can no longer 
develope from one simple root a variety of meanings by pre- 
fixing pra, abhi, upa, or satn. Under such circumstances they 
have taken a number of their commonest verbs and tacked 
them on to other verbs, in order to imply that the action 
expressed by the principal verb is performed under the con- 
ditions expressed by the added, or, as we may call it, the 
ancillary verb. As might be expected, however, while the 
principle is the same in all seven languages, the method 
of its application, and the particular ancillaries used, differ, 
to some extent, in the several languages. It will be better 
to take each ancillary separately, exhibiting the general effect 
of each as combined with different parts of the principal 

§ 72. Ancillaries may be attached not only to other verbs, 
but even to themselves ; the verb to which they are attached is 
placed in the conjunctive participle, and remains in that form 
throughout. Another class, however, exists, in which the 
principal verb is in the infinitive mood, which, as Kellogg 
justly observes, is not strictly a case of a compound verb, but 


that of one verb governing another, and in this view would 
more properly be regarded as a matter of syntax. Inasmuch, 
however, as certain well-known and constantly-used phrases of 
this kind have grown up in all the languages, whose use, to a 
great extent, supplies the want of regular tenses, it will be 
better to give them all here, so as to complete the survey of the 
modern verb in all its aspects. It must be noted, also, that in 
Hindi, and occasionally in P. M. and G., the conjunctive 
participle loses its final syllable, and thus appears in the form 
of the simple stem ; that it is the participle, and not the stem, 
is shown by the analogy of the other languages, and by isolated 
instances of the preservation of the participial form even in 

1. ^ "give/* and % "take," are in H. widely used as 
ancillaries, and the meanings which are obtained by their use 
are somewhat varied. In a general way, it may be said that 
de is added to verbs to express the idea that the action passes 
away from the subject towards the object, while le implies that 
the action proceeds towards the subject. Thus de can, strictly 
speaking, be used only with actives and causals ; and in some 
cases adds so little to the meaning of the principal verb, that it 
appears to be a mere expletive. With active verbs examples 

lfal|T " to throw," TJfcl ^fjj " to throw away." 

fW^ITWrr " to take out," f*14N<l ^WT " to turn oat, eject." 

Thus ^ % \(m fvramiT " he took the rice out of the house," 
where the idea is, that the man being outside went in and 
brought out the rice ; but in TJH ^ft ^PC % f*PITW f^TT % " he 
has turned me out of the house," it would be understood that 
the speaker had been forcibly ejected. 

^PfT " to put," ^?5 ^iJT " to put away, lay by." 

M\i,n\ " to strike," *nT ^*IT " to beat off." 



"With cau8als it is used very frequently, and with scarcely 
any perceptible change of meaning — 

OTTUTWT and WIJT ^ifT " to explain." 

finj«H » "pT^T ^TT" to cause to fall, or to throw down, ** 

«l?Prr >i %3T ^fT " to seat, or to pat into a seat." 

Perhaps one can sometimes trace in the form with 3 a sense 
of the action having been done with some force, while in the 
simple verb the idea of force is wanting, but in the majority of 
instances no such distinction could be traced. There is oc- 
casionally some additional emphasis, as in the common phrases 
3 ^t " give," and % ift " take," where the ancillary is added 
to itself, but these expressions belong more particularly to the 
Urdu side of the language. 

When attached to the infinitive of another verb, de implies 
permission, as *n% ^t "let (him) go," jq *t ^3% ^tfarct 
" please let me sit down." 

P. uses de in the same way as H., but it does not appear to 
be so used in Sindhi. In G. it is added to the conjunctive 
participle of another verb to give emphasis, it also expresses 
impatience, but, in both cases, like H., with a general idea of 
the action being from the speaker towards the object. Thus 
7F*$ "to abandon," *«ft 3*ft "let (it) alone!" "let go!" 
Wretf "to throw," irNft ^ft "throw (it) away !" But as in 
H., with the infinitive it implies permission, W$ " to go," *RTT 
3J "to allow to go," 1TOT |3 "to let fall," 1R8RT 3$ "to 
permit to write." 

M. has the same usage of 3> when added to the conjunctive 
participle it has the same senses as in H., as fWJfT 3^f " *° 
write," ^flV*! 3^J " *° ^8 >" ™- ^^ °^ whkl 1 phrases there is 
only a little additional emphasis implied, or perhaps an idea of 
finishing and having done with, as " write it off," " dig it up 
and have done with it," as in ?POT 3 " t^ 01 ^ & away." 


With the infinitive it implies permission, as TfWT 9TTCtf ^ 
" sufEer me to go/' mjj fin{ ^! TTflf " the wind will not let 
me write." 

Precisely similar is the usage in O. and B., as O. Ht^lf, t^T 
" break it open," literally, "having caused to open, give ;" but 
with the infinitive in) *UftHI$ ^WT w(t " he would not let 
me come." 

Bengali uses this verb with the conjunctive to imply com- 
pleteness or emphasis, as ^m ^faWT H[TTfaS "I have 8een the 
book," that is, " I have examined or perused it." "With the 
infinitive it, like the rest, signifies permission, as WHT% T rf^ 
f^%*f ifT " They did not allow me to read." 

2. % is in all respects used similarly to ^, but with exactly 
the opposite meaning, namely, that of the action being directed 
towards the speaker, or the subject. In this construction its 
meaning is often very slightly different from that of the simple 
verb. Thus we may say, tJVwt " he drinks," and ift IhTT " he 
drinks up," or "drinks down," in the latter case implying a 
more complete action. With causals it is used when the action 
is towards the subject, as ^p? 4t fTf^ TO! ^HT Wt "call Bam 
to me," where the simple verb ^JWRT merely means " to call." 
The distinction between the use of de and le is well shown 
when added to ^RT " to put ; " thus "^f wt means " put it 
away (for your own use)," but ^[ <^t "put it down (and leave 
it)." There is, as Kellogg has shown, a sense of appropriating 
a thing to oneself involved in le. 

P. follows the usage of H., but has less frequent recourse to 
this ancillary. S. uses fvTOff, which is the same word as le, in 
the sense of "taking away," which in H. is expressed by % 
SITfTj as in 41 1 ^H ^Hrt^ $ f*l^t% f*niT " In crossing the ocean 
they were forcibly carried off " (Trumpp, p. 340). In another 
instance, however, the meaning is more that of simple taking, 
414111 f*TO^[ "to bring back," literally, "having caused to 
return, to take." 


In Gh, the meaning is the same as in H., acquisition, or 
action towards the speaker or subject, as in 3FR*ft %*J "to 
understand/' i.e. "to make oneself acquainted with," ifWft 
%lft "learn (this)," i.e. "acquire this knowledge." 

M., as before remarked, uses %, where its sisters have %. 
It is used freely in all combinations involving the idea of 
taking, and seems, like many other ancillaries, to be often used 
pleonastically. Perhaps, however, we ought to make allow- 
ance for the trains of thought which, in the minds of native 
speakers, underlie the expressions which they use, and, in this 
view, to admit that an idea of taking may be present to their 
minds in expressions which, in our mode of thought, would not 
involve such an idea. It is difficult to get a native to concen- 
trate his mind upon what he is actually saying or doing, he 
will always mix up with his present speech strange under- 
currents of nebulous fancies as to what he did or said last, or 
what he is going to do or say next, and this habit influences his 
speech and produces phrases which, to the practical European 
mind, seem unnecessary and confusing. Thus Molesworth 
(s.v. %) reckons as pleonastic the use of this ancillary in ^Rf^R; 
WT*l I^T WT " quickly having bathed take." Here the word 
" take " is probably inserted from a feeling that the person 
addressed is wanted again after he has had his bath. Thus, if 
you were about to send a man on an errand, and he asked (as a 
native usually does) to be allowed to bathe and eat first, you 
might use the above sentence. In Hindi one would use And 
"to come," in the same way, as 1JZ WWI ^T% WJft« If 
you did not use some ancillary or other, it might be under- 
stood that you did not want the man's services after he had 
bathed. In another phrase ift<j«f fTfl iftdbUW ^TTWT "The 
child burnt his hand," judging from the analogy of similar 
phrases in the cognate languages, I feel that if ^faTWT were not 
used, the person addressed would be capable of supposing that 


the child burnt the whole of his hand up, whereas, what is 
really meant is, that the child got a burn on his hand. 

The O. verb ifalT is used as in H., as qriTOf Vft ^fff ift "I 
will take charge of the papers and accounts," where he means 
that he will take them and study them, it is literally " having 
understood I will take." 

So also with B. W^lt, as fi\£\ M4H*U W^lN "they took 
and read the letter." 

3. ^BT " come," WR " go," as also the cognate stems in the 
other languages, when used as ancillaries, stand to each other 
in the same contrast as le and de. H. ^TT is not very widely 
used, and principally with neuter verbs; it implies doing a 
thing and coming back after having done, and thus has a 
certain sense of completing an action. Thus TOW} "to be 
made," ^if ^TTTT, or sometimes colloquially, ^ WRT " to be 
completely done, successfully accomplished," %?| qrt ^5 ^JVl 
j£ " Having seen the field, I am come," i.e. " I have been and 
looked at the field," and he implies, " I have examined it, and 
am now ready to make terms for the rent of it." The usage is 
similar in P., though rarely heard. 

The equivalent of d in S. is V^J, pres. part. ^<^t "coming," 
p.p. WTQt " come." It is used with the infinitive to mean be- 
ginning to do, and this usage is thus different from that of H. 
and P. Thus TOUf ^T^f " to come to rain," or, as we should 
say, "to come on to rain," as — 

" The lightnings have begun to rain, the rainy season has ascended 

(his) couch." — Trumpp, p. 344. 

G. ^rn is used in the sense of coming into action, or into 
use, becoming, and is used with the present participle, as TO^H 
WVi} "to become spoilt." But far more frequently ^ipft, the 
conjunctive participle, takes other ancillaries after it. 

if in M. is also used in a potential sense, but generally, as 


far as I can learn, with, the indeclinable form of the present 
participle, and with the subject in the dative case ; thus it 
literally means " to me, to you, etc., it comes to do," as TfWT 
^TRlt ^ftft " I can go," lit. " to me going comes." Similar to 
this is the use of dnd in H. as an independent verb, chiefly in 
negative sentences, as ^Nft faWliY ^ipft *l^¥ " He does not 
know how to read and write," lit. " To him reading- writing 
comes not. " So also in 0. and B. 

4. *TT " go," is used more frequently, and in a wider sense 
than A. In H. it implies completeness or finality, as WTWi 
" eat," ^TT *TPIT " eat up" ^% WRT " go away," where the 
principal verb preserves the termination of the conjunctive 
participle. In the familiar compound ft TPTT "to become," the 
ancillary adds a little distinctness to the idea of the principal. 
So, also, in qng, or W$, SfTTT; thus, if a man is hesitating or 
fumbling over a story or message, you say q^ *Tnft> *•*• 
"Speak out !" or "Out with it! " 

When added to neuter verbs (especially the double verbs 
mentioned in § 18), it seems to add no special meaning, and 
one may say ££<|| or *^Z Wf^T " to be broken;" fTOIT or fair 
3TPTT " to meet " or " be obtained." Colloquially, and especially 
in the past tense, the form with jdnd is far more commonly 
heard than that without it; thus, for "it is broken," one hears 
tt i&Tt twenty times for once of ZZT* This practice seems to 
confirm what was conjecturally advanced in § 25, concerning 
the origin of the use of 9TPIT to form a passive, as compared 
with the Sindhi passive in ija. 

Sindhi uses, in a similar way, its stem T^Hf " go " (impt. 
^ PP- fa^ft> pres. p. ^f^t,"*U£t), from Skr. y/*H, Pr. *far. 
Thus, wit V*t% " to take off," Jfft ffig " to be dead," i.e " to 
go, having died." w€t ^TJ " to ascend," i.e. " to go, having 
ascended." There is also a phrase in which it is added to 
^ff "to lift," as ^raft *rg "be off!" "go away!" The 


general effect of this ancillary may thus be taken to be that of 
completeness. Trumpp gives the following examples (p. 340) : 
*t Hfiffi ▼jt flffff Tft f*nft "When he was grown up, then 
he died" (say "died off"). ^£ff*T3CtWTO T^JT^ftfT *fa*f%' 
" Take the advice of the pilots that thou mayst pass over (or pass 
through and escape from) the flood tide." 

Completion or finality is also indicated by Jd in Gk, attached 
to the conjunctive participle, as in H. and P.; when added to 
the present participle, it implies continuance, as mnft SIT " go 
on writing." 

In M. B. and O., this stem is not used as an ancillary. 

5. Jffi "be able," is attached to the stem-form or apocopated 
conjunctive participle of all verbs in H. to imply power, as 
*W 4I*MI " he is able to walk," ^RC *J%TO " he will be able to 
do." It is rarely, if ever, used alone in correct speaking, 
though one sometimes, in the eastern Hindi area, hears such 
an expression as ^7f ^RlOT W$t "I shall not be able." This, 
however, is probably to be regarded merely as an elliptical 
phrase for f?f ^ *H|5f *nff " I shall not be able to do." 

In P. also it is used always as an ancillary, as TT^ Wtifl ? 
" he is able to read," and is conjugated throughout the verb. 
In S. the corresponding verb ^PJ is used with the conjunctive 
participle in the same sense, as qi^ 3RTO " to be able to do." 

In all these three languages this verb may be added to the 
inflected form of the infinitive, though in H. and P. this con- 
struction is avoided by those who desire to speak elegantly. 
Still one often hears it, as sn% ^TOTT f^lf " he cannot go," and 
in the eastern Hindi area it is very common, as well as in the 
Urdu spoken by Musulmans in all parts of India. Among 
these latter, indeed, karne saktd is much commoner than kar 

It is used in GK as in H., and may also be used in M., but in 
this latter language the existence of another method of ex- 
pressing potentiality (§ 54) renders its use less frequent. 


B. and O. do not know this ancillary. In its place they use 
1JTT fo B. with the infinitive, as ^rfTTl *TrfT " I can &°" ^ O- 
with the past participle, and generally with the future of the 
ancillary, as ^rf?[ ^rrftfw " I shall be able to do," where we 
should use the present. Thus in asking, "Can you tell me his 
name P" one would say JTTYTC TTR ift ^Jlf^f, Kterally, "Shall 
you be able to say his name P" 

6. 1R "begin" (see § 12). In H. and P. with the infini- 
tive, as %ig% ipnn "he began to see." The ancillary is mostly 
used in the preterite, indeed almost exclusively so ; for ^5% 
^nnTT "he begins to see," would be inelegant, and, I believe, 
quite unidiomatic. S. uses the same construction, as ^fPV ^rf^ft 
" he began to cry." So also GK, as 4U<4I WF& " to begin to 
strike," and M. with infinitive of the principal verb, as JTTX 
WRfWT " he began to strike," but also with the dative of the 
future passive participle, as tHiq€||4j| UTTOT "he began to 
do." B. the same, as ^if^Sl WTfTO "he began to do," O. 

if^T^f wrtwr. 

7. ^| "fail," hence "leave off, cease to do." In H. added 
to the conjunctive part, in the sense of having already finished, 
as ^TT ^TT "he has done eating," ^R ^TT ^faT "when he shall 
have done eating." P. does not use this verb in this sense. 
S. uses ^|, as in qf^ ^^5 " *° ^ ave finished doing ;" but it 
has also other ways of expressing this idea, as by TTO "to 
remain," ^51J " to take," f*W| " to be ended," ^f% ^RTJ id. 
G. qpft ^F| " ^° have finished doing." B. the same, as f^CII 
-gfauilf* " I have done giving." 0. uses ^TTT> M VnC ^TTf^CfW 
" I have done eating," % qrf ^t^ ^llRlll " That business is 
quite finished." B. also uses xjfaf " throw," in this sense, as 
^ftRTT WWN " They have done speaking." 

8. Marathi has two verbs not used in the other languages, 
%^% and TTOif > which are employed in many senses, and the 
distinction between which appears to be, at times, hard to draw. 


The illustrations given, however, show that each word is faith- 
ful to its original meaning ; %W^( = ^TPrt, and consequently 
means "put," while ZTOJf = UTT> and means "throw away." 
These two words stand to each other in the same contrast as % 
and ^ in EL, thus If VPTC ^ft I^T S^ " Fold up this cloth 
and lay it by," ift *TRI *t^j*l ^ " Tie up that cow" (having 
tied, put), but WPft ^bft WTO ^R TPI " Give him up his 
book" (i.e. "give it him and let him go"), "?f ^ni ^WTff <2^i 
" Root up that tree " (i.e. "uproot and throw away "). 

9. qrc "do," is used in the sense of repetition or continuance, 
in H. with the perfect part., as ^TWT 1T*TT "he always comes," 
Wf *?f ifcBT f*WT *?$ ft "Why do you keep on doing soP" 
In Sindhi this sense is obtained by repeating the verb in the 
required tense after itself in the conjunctive participle, as ?JM^ 
^t f^jp MftHfli ^t TCt " Even that, that letter I read over 
and over again" (Trumpp, p. 343), where the participle has 
the emphatic i added to it. Gk, like H., uses qr^$ with the in- 
flected form of the p.p., as W$J *I^J "to keep on doing," *TfaTT 
^Rrt "to keep on reading." The various uses of karnd in 
forming compounds both with nouns and verbs are so numerous 
and peculiar, that they cannot be inserted here, but must be 
sought for in the dictionaries of the respective languages, and, 
still better, by those who have the opportunity, from the mouth 
of the people. 

10. ^f "remain," differs from ^, in that it implies con- 
tinuance in a state, while ^flC implies repetition of an action. 
In H. and P., with the conjunctive participle, as %J ^ffT " to 
remain sitting," %W TWlf " They are going on with their play ; " 
also with the present participle, as *|^t ^ftft *%fft " The river 
flows on continually," labitur et labetur. There is a curious 
phrase in Hindi, WPTT Tf!T (literally, "to remain going") 
used for " to be lost and gone," as an euphemism for death ; 
thus 5hCT ^R *rniT TfT $ "My father is dead (has passed 

tol. xn. '16 


away) ;" also for loss of things, as *OTT *8TC VT ^TOTT TIT 
" All his property is gone." I do not find this idiom in the 
sister languages. 

Sindhi uses TVS ^ ^e sense oi continuance, as $t^\ Tt^t 
f^T filter VW " He goes on travelling in fatigue from Egypt 
and Syria" (Trumpp, p. 344). The same sense is produced by 
mtq " to turn, wander," as iffar^ *?t*\ ^ l (l<1 ^ "Bijalu 
goes on grazing the horses" (#.). In both cases the principal 
verb is in the present participle. 

G. employs ^f, which is its version of Tf with conjunctive 
participle for continuance, as wft ^$4 " *° rema " 1 doing," and 
with the present participle in the sense of completion, as ^Ti^lt 
T$$ " he ascends completely." 

This ancillary is truer to its original meaning in M., where 
it implies leaving off, refraining, with the genitive of the 
future participle, as JJKI«ini TlffWT "he left off beating." 
This sense recalls that of Skr. T^ffpf = " deprived of." 

B. and 0. do not use this verb as an ancillary. B. substi- 
tutes for it t^Rf > and O. ^T. 

11. Vflg "fall," implies generally accident, as in H. WPPJT 
" to know," *TPT iTtfT " to be found out" (i.e. " to be known 
by an accident "), as B* *T ^* lit *Vl ^% flt ff *it W$t 
TC*) "If his fault should be found out, then we, too, shall 
not escape." So also in GK, as qdb*1$ "to stick to," qdb41 
x^rt " to become attached to, to get caught in." M. uses it 
with the dative of the future participle, as H BJTTO UTWnST 
f{JJ *TOT %iT MWI*IW *(£% "On account of your being 
attacked with fever, I have to waste my time in travelling," 
literally, " to me the throwing away of journeys falls." Here 
the sense is that of necessity, as also in TT*rtft %lft 7TT ^T 
itWTTCI ^%W " If you marry a wife, you will have to set up 
house." The same idea is expressed in H. by adding xni to the 
infinitive, as gif ^ft Wl% ^%TT " You will have to go (whether 


you like it or not) ;" so also in B. JffTITt Hf%W» where it also 
implies subjection, or falling into a state, as VTT UfaU "he got 
caught," as *p^ q%$ v?T ^jf*l f^HIT ^t W "Hearing that 
Sundar had been caught, Bidya falls to the ground " (Bharat 
B.-S. 359, where there is a pun on the double use of the 
phrase), vfr&C\ irf%H "he fell asleep," UTTT Vtfom "he caught 
a thrashing." The same in O., as VTT *lf%fiC (for xrf% ^*ftf) 
" he has been caught." 

This verb sometimes precedes the principal verb in the sense 
of doing a thing accidentally, and is then put in the past parti- 
ciple. In this sense I would explain the sentence quoted by 
Kellogg (p. 195) ipi m? TfW\ P*V<N 1\ " A tiger happened to 
be prowling about," literally, " a tiger fallen was prowling," 
the word " fallen " being used to express accidentally arriving. 
In P. the verb takes the form xnC^TT ( = ^HPT), and the p.p. is 
fTOT; thus they say ^ ft^TT ^jl^I % " He is engaged in eat- 
ing," where the sense is rather that of continuance ; when put 
after the principal verb, it implies setting to work at a thing, 
as Ipcn " to walk," 1J^ ^n^TT " to set out on a journey." So 
also in Sindhi, where the verb has the form TJ^PIJ, the con- 
junctive participle irf^ or i|^ precedes another verb with the 
sense of emphasis or energy, as W* *t fafT^ *ft ^ {J<Wft 1 
"Rni "Buy those goods which do not grow old" (Trumpp, 
p. 341) ; here vfc*l flfH means rather "do not happen to become," 
"are not likely to become." ^Tflft, the conjunctive of ^TQRJ "to 
lift," is used in the same way, but the two verbs appear to be 
contrasted much as le and de in H., khani being used where 
activity, pal where receptiveness or accident is implied. Thus 
^8Wt f^raX| "to set to work writing," i§nft ^mt "he sets 
himself to play (music)." The past participle falft is also 
prefixed with much the same effect, as tffij if ^iftfin f^f^TfifPf 
lf5| fnrr f^rf*f " In it flashes like lightnings are found " (or 
"take place," or "appear;" Trumpp, ib.). 

12. The above are the principal, if not the whole, of the 


ancillaries in general use. There are, indeed, a few others, but 
their use is restricted to one or other of the languages. Thus 
HTfT " to find/' is used with an infinitive in Hindi in the sense 
of being able, or being permitted, to do a thing. The verb in 
this construction is neuter, as 9f iwit ^P) 1 l^f 1TTOT " I was 
not allowed to see him," Ipf ^ 3l *ft?IT WP& *l^f ^THRlft " You 
will not be permitted to go inside the house ; " so also in B. 
Vtfwft VRX TT " I &m not able to read," that is, not because I do 
not know how to read, but because I cannot find leisure, or 
cannot get the book. 

TTWTT "to throw," is used in H. with verbs implying injury 
to show that force also was used, as — 

*nr*n " to strike," JTTT TOTOT " to kffl " 

jft>f1l " to break," iffa ▼WIT " to dash in pieces." 

41411 " to cat," ^TTZ TTWH " to cat down, hack, hew." 

There are, besides, numerous combinations of two verbs, in 
which the latter of the two does all the work, the former re- 
maining unchanged ; but for these the reader is referred to the 
Dictionary, though, as far as I have seen, Molesworth's Marathi 
dictionary is the only one where they will be found fully 



CONTENTS.— J 73. The Conju n ctiva Pasticiplb.— § 74. The Inttnitiye. 
} 75. The Agbnt. — § 76. Szxtdhi Vbbbs wits Pbonominal Suffixes.— 
§ 77. Conjugation op Stems Ending in Vowels in Hindi, Panjabi, and 
Sindbx— } 78. The same in Mabathi.— } 7d. The same in Banoali and 
Obit a. 

§ 73. The participles of the present, past, and future, being 
used in the formation of tenses, it has been found necessary to 
depart from the natural order of the verb, and to discuss them 
in Chapter III. There remains, however, a very widely used 
and important participle, which is not employed to form a tense. 
From the fact that it is used to connect one clause with another, 
and thus helps the native speaker or writer to build up those 
interminable sentences of which he is so fond, it has been 
called, very appropriately, the Conjunctive Participle. It 
implies " having done/' and the sense of the clause in which it 
is used remains incomplete until another clause containing a 
finite verb is added ; thus, instead of saying, " Next morning he 
woke and arose, bathed, ate, dressed, collected his goods, loaded 
them on his camel, bade farewell to his friend, and started on 
his journey/ 9 the Indian languages would say, "Having woken, 
having risen, having bathed, having eaten, having dressed, 
having collected his goods, having loaded them on his camel, 
having bidden farewell to his friend, having started on his 
journey, he went." 

Sanskrit has two forms of this participle, one in <3TT> a* *WT 
" having been," the other in If, as ^hTO " having met." Each 


of these forms has left descendants in the modern languages, 
and although the form in ya is, in classical Sanskrit, restricted, 
for the most part, to compound verbs, yet this peculiarity has 
been overlooked in the spoken languages, and simple verbs, as 
well as compound ones, are treated as having this form also. 

Thus in Prakrit we find jrfln^rr= Skr. ^TT "having heard/' 
as well as HflgRftlll = fttfttt| " having gone out." So also 
^T*=^WT "having given," iftf^l = l"Kfa«l "having 
stolen," JT^J = TOT "having gone," fitful = fOTn "having 
sprinkled," 5tt^nJ=^nJ^T "having taken." 

In Old-Hindi this participle ends in «', as q(f^ "having done," 
Tflr "having gone," which is apparently the Prakrit form 
with loss of the final a, thus — 

u Having heard the paper, King Prithiraj was glad, being pleased." 

— Pr. R. zii. 52. 

Chand, however, in his more archaic passages, uses a form in 
ya 9 and one in aya y as — 

*prfw *jfa fare wjt 1 

" Taking possession of the earth, like a garden plot, 
Irrigating it with the fullness of the Veda, as with water, 
Having placed good seed in its midst, 
Up sprung the shoot of knowledge." — Pr. B. i. 4. 

Here ftnj "having made," and *prf*T f*TO= mod. iffr ^R$ 
"having made (or taken) possession," ftftll "having watered," 
^ro=fT^t "having placed." 

Mediaeval Hindi has regularly the form ending in ^, as TJH 
W^PT <TC 1¥ $f*l "Saving heard the gentle mystic speech of 
Rama" (Tutsi, Bam. Balk. 113), itfYff *J% irf* ^^T I "Sages 
having read the Veda erred as to its qualities" (Kabir, Ham. 


34, 1), Hfif fag* «lt ***$ *W *V* mft: UTOt I "The re- 
ligion that is opposed to devotion (bhakti), all that having 
made (i.e. having declared), irreligion he sang" (Bhaktam&l, 
MdL 30). 
From the habitual neglect of final short vowels, it results 

that this participle often appears in the form of the bare stem, 
as in the verbs with ancillaries given above, and this form, 
appearing to be not sufficiently distinct, a secondary form has 
arisen, which is now the ordinary one in modern Hindi. This 
consists of adding % WK, *Rt$, *T*T, and even *^R$ to 
the stem, namely, the conjunctive participle of W^TT " to do ; " 
as ^§ ^T " having seen," ^TORC " having gone." The first of 
these forms % is softened from %, which, again, is from *lf^, the 
older form of the conjunctive part, of ^T^JT, and is used in the 
mediaeval poets and in Braj and the rustic dialects to this day. 

Thus Kabir W» fwfil 5l t^HT 1Wn[% fft T^ft WtlT TTO I 

"Having made many kinds of appearances (m&yd), Hari has 
arranged the sport and pastime (of the world ;" Hindola, 16). 
It having thus become customary to add the participle of ^ 
to all verbs, it has been added to qp^ itself, thus making qf^l 
and ^PTOT, and this reduplicated form again is added to other 
verbs. In all the dialects we find such forms as *rrfT%, TR%, 
*TPC> M\Vi,, and even apocopated as Garhwali HTf^S and *rpfal 
" having beaten." Kumaoni has a curious compound form 
*1lt\*K " having beaten," which is probably the old form 9f|f\ 
wither "time" (Skr. W), literally, "at the time of beating." 
In the case of the common verb ho, the conjunctive parti- 
ciple, like the future, takes in Old-Hindi the forms ^t^ and ft, 
especially the latter, as 1J\ HW TO «4l0 1 ff^ ft *!% I " Ghiru- 
bhakta alone could not remain apart " (sak ancillary with con- 
junctive of Ao=" could be;" Bhaktam&l, 116, 1), , ?C*Pft k ^fol 
ip ft *rm " T^e night becomes as dark as a well " (Kabir, 
Ham. 16, 4), KJ^pH 1% 1% ft ^W$ " Very great men came " 
(lit. "having become very great;" ib. 17, 6). 


P. is the same as H., and with, the latter closely agrees 
O., which forms this participle by short *, as ^ft "having 
seen." This form also appearing too indefinite, in ordinary 
conversation they add *rf^, often pronounced fa(\, as ^f^nrf^ 
"having seen." 0. has also another, and in the classical 
speech the only admissible, form in tie, as *rrf^% "having 
beaten/' which is also used in B., and in both appears to be the 
old locative case of the past participle, and is thus literally "in 
having beaten." The old form of the locative case having in 
0. fallen into disuse, the same has taken place in the participle ; 
thus arise the forms ^fararft " in having seen," and ^t^RTT^ 
"from having seen," which are respectively the locative and 
ablative, formed after the modern fashion by adding 71^ and 
<JT^, the initial syllable of which is rejected (Vol. II. p. 274). 

B. has, besides the form in tie, one in iy& y which approaches 
closer to the Prakrit, as qfTOT "having fallen," Wf^TT 
"having sat," VPc*lT "having seized." This latter form, is 
that which is, used to string together long sentences, in prefer- 
ence to the form in tie, which is used more in short sentences. 
Thus Bhftrat— 

" Another craftily looks, repeatedly turning round, 
like a bird in a cage walks round and round." 

— Bidyft-S. 246. 

literally, " having turned, having turned, looks," and " having 
twisted round, walks." 

S. has four forms for this participle. Neuter verbs take the 
ending I, as ^t " having returned ; " active and causal verbs 
have e, as TO) " having rubbed," both of which correspond to 
the Pr. ending ia. Less widely used is a form in io or yo, as 
jft^tft " having returned," Vt*7t " having washed," which is 
identical with the p.p.p. Thirdly, the inserted jja of Prakrit 
reappears here, as from WIP§ " to lift," ^fftfSt " having lifted." 



Lastly, S. follows the example of H., and adds ^, the con- 
junctive of VCV " to do," as ^ft ^(^ " having returned." 

G. resembles S., having its conjunctive in I, as ^t^ " having 
become." Ordinarily it puts this participle in the objective 
case, adding the postpositional, often dropping the anusw&ra, 
as qp(Y^f or W^ft " having done/' ^t^ " having given." As 
G. makes no distinction between i and f, this is often written 
with short i, as ^f^. 

M. stands quite alone, having its conjunctive in Bff, as 
WTOPI " having gone," ffafT " having been." This is some- 
times written ^tf , and in the poets takes an increment, and 
appears as ^rf*TOt, ^tf'Wt* as g*fimn(Y w%\ itafillll *TO I 
(Tuk. Abh. 1888) "What is the good of my going to you P" 
(literally, "I near you having come, what?") ^ftf^PQt *!$f 
*|WW *nf I flTWRI *HW *fif ** I " Saving seen men in fine 
clothes and ornaments, I am ready to die at once" (&.). 

This form is the old Maharashtri Pr. form in ^Rff , shortened 
y from 1£H, Skr. WPf > accusative of ?JT (Lassen, p. 367), and has 
undergone singularly little change. I see in this a confirma- 
tion of the belief that modern Marathi is really the represen- 
tative of the Maharashtri Prakrit, for it is' only in Maharashtri 
that the conjunctive in tina, tuna, is found. All the prose 
dialects without distinction take forms of the conjunctive 
derived from the Skr. -ya ; this consideration seems to be fatal 
to the theory (Trumpp, p. 283; V. Taylor, p. 114, § 256) which 
would derive the G. conjunctive in ine from M. 6na. Setting 
aside the absence of any analogy for a change from u to I in 
such a connection, there is abundant evidence that G. is, by 
origin, a Rajput dialect belonging to that large group of 
dialects which we roughly class under the name of Hindi, and 
Sastri Yrajl&l (G. Bh. It. p. 3) points out the great gulf that 
exists between G. and M., as also the close connection of G. 
with the northern dialects. We have therefore strong reasons 
for not looking to M. for the origin of any G. form. The 


latter has, like the rest of the eastern Hindi group, Saurasenl 
for its parent, and the form in -tne, when compared with that 
in I in the same language, points clearly to the Saurasenl con- 
junctive in ia with a modern case-postposition ne or nen added. 

§ 74. The Infinitive is, in all the languages, a verbal noun 
declined throughout all the cases of the noun. Its numerous 
forms may all be grouped under two general types, which may 
be called the Ba, and the Na types respectively. 

The Ba type is found in the rustic dialects of Hindi, in 
Bangali, Oriya, and Gujarati, and is declined as a noun. It 
occurs in the oldest Hindi poems. Chand has it in — 

11 If any one makes delay, he comes to strike him." — Pr. B. i. 198. 

" Eifiing up, rushed to fight." — ib. i. 254. 

It takes the junction-vowel i, and in these passages is in the 
accusative case. It may be rendered " to or for the purpose of 
fighting." This form does not once occur in the Ramaini 
(T^'ft) ol Kabir, and only rarely in his other works. I have 
noted ?rf^ ^ft " to cross over," ^r%*ft N^III^I) " to urge on," 
in the Rekhtas. It is more common in Braj, and in Tulsi 
Das's Ramayan, where, besides the form with junction- vowel «, 
as iftf^t " to break," occurs also a shorter form in ab, as fi|t<q 
"to return." In the dialects (Kellogg, p. 241) occur the 
following (mdr " strike ") : — 

Braj inf^tff , £ast Rajput 4JK«T t, West Bajp. id. Old-Purbi *TPtW» 
Avadhi, and Riwai id. 

In Gujarati, this is the only form of the infinitive. It is 
declined as an adjective for all three genders, thus — 

sing, nr^fr «•» iTfft/» wn^ ». 

PI. WHTT •»., •tft /., •tSlt »• " to bring " or " the act of bringing." 



and agrees with the object, as mentioned in § 52, where it is 
used to constitute a tense. In the neuter singular it performs 
the functions of a simple infinitive, as ifT$ "to sing/' %K$ 
" to do." 

In Oriya it is the ordinary infinitive, as qfipiT " to sit/' and, 
though without gender, is declined for case, 

) sitting," i.e. "a fit place to sit in." 

\ *Um \\ Plfi* 1* *lft "»n sitting nothing: 
Lot* ^finft "in sitting,"} will become," i.e. " yon will do no good 

j by sitting still." 

Ace. 'qftPTT^ "to or for i qftm$ ^T " for sitting it will become," 

sitting," j u. « yoa wiU have to, or must, sit." 

^faRTJ ^Wftirr " he came to see." 

AbL^R^ "from *.) to^W^WI^"*-* 1 * 

} there a chill will attack," i.e. " if you 

*»" ( 

y sit there, yoa will catch cold." 

Bengali does not use this form as its ordinary infinitive, 
having utilized for that purpose the locative of the present 
participle, as fhft "to be" (lit. "in being"), wrfaft "to 
remain/' WIX?} " to go ; " but it is used in the genitive case to 
form a sort of gerund or verbal noun, as ^fol ifM^K 1TW ^IT$ 
"It is the time of sowing, or for sowing, seed." More common 
still is its employment with *(%, qffTO or t%f*T% "for the sake 
of," as ^f^RTT lA " for the sake of seeing," tlf^TTT fafa% 
"for the sake of doing." 

The infinitive of the Gipsies ends in dva, and probably 
belongs to this group. Paspati writes her Am " to do," Idva " to 
take," d&va " to give," savdva " to sleep," mangdva " to ask," 
ruvdva " to weep," which may be transliterated perhaps q^TO> 
*IT*, ^FT, ^ftTPI, *taTT, TO* respectively. These are words 
of the Chingana or Turkish Gipsies. Those in Bohemia ap- 


parently drop the final a and shorten the d, as ehorav "to steal" 
(^fd), te™*> "to do" faR^l), chinnav "to tear" (faiRf). 
Those in Wallachia appear to 'pronounce the termination as 
ao (*!?r or ^TlftP), as jao "to go" (WTCt), *«* "to eat" 
(*T*t),_** "to drink" (^h).« 

In all these languages the idea of an infinitive glides off 
imperceptibly into that of a verbal noun, and the Ba form thus 
reveals its origin from the Sanskrit future passive participle in 
TTO > from which, as we have seen in Ch. III. § 51, many tenses 
are formed. 

The Na type occurs in Hindi, as also in P. S. M. It has 
two forms in H., one archaic and poetical ending in ana> the 
other modern and classical in nd. The first of these two forms 
I would derive from the Sanskrit verbal noun in anam, as 
^n^qf "doing," itffH "falling." It is in frequent use, unin- 
flected, throughout the poets, thus — 

" Having plotted to $top his virility."— Pr. B. i. 178. 

**. -_ _____ <_. _____ _ 

wrr *Rnr ft *ro i 

" He made preparation to go." — ib. zz. 28. 

. ______ ________ _______ _ 

" To Join battle a terrible warrior." — ib. xx. 81. 

*W '•ft 'Wf WR ^ HT^ I 

" I speak truth, suffer me to go, mother." — Tulsi-Bam. S.-k. 7. 

" They go to seethe hill and forest of Earn." — ib. Ay-k. 91. 

It is unnecessary to give more instances of this very common 
form. It still survives in Kanauji, as JnT 1 ! " to strike." The 
other form in ifT was anciently written *ft, and is always so 
written in Braj, as iTT^'ft "to strike," ^ppft "to come." This 
form I now agree with Hoernle in deriving from the Sanskrit 

1 Mikloedch, Zigenner Europa'i, part ii. p. 9. 


future participle in antya, so that from 4<lf|{|, through Pr. 
qpC*fWi and ^RC^Pfj would come Old-H. ^ncff , M. qr^ijf , an( i 
P- ^RTTT- I> however, would refer the S. ^TTO to the verbal 
noun in anam 9 because the final vowel is short, and, as in all 
similar nouns, reproduces the final o = ti of the a-stem (see 
Hoernle's essay in J.A.S.B. vol. 42, p. 59, etc.). The two 
forms of the infinitive are thus analogous in respect of their 
derivation, and the fact of the existence side by side of two 
sets of forms with precisely similar meaning is explained by 
that of there being two participles of similar meaning in 
Sanskrit, both of which have left descendants. 

Under these altered lights I must withdraw the opinion 
formerly held by me as to the origin of the infinitive in n&. 
That in ana is now obsolete, except in Kanauji, and the nd 
form is declined as a noun in d, making its oblique in e 9 as 
karne kd " of doing," karne men "in doing." In M. the infini- 
tive is also declined as a noun of the sixth declension (Vol. II. 
p. 192), thus gen. karanyd chd "of doing," dat. karanyd Id "to 
doing," In Sindhi, however, the infinitive vindicates its claim 
to be considered as a descendant of the verbal noun in anam by 
exhibiting the declension of masculines (i.e. neuters) in u ; the 
oblique ends consequently in a, as gvnhana jo "of buying," 
ginhana men "in buying," etc. This would not be the case 
were the S. infinitive derived from the participle in anlya. 

M. has an infinitive peculiar to itself ending in ^k, as ?n£ 
" to die," which is comparatively little used, and only with the 
present tense. I am unable to suggest any thoroughly satis- 
factory explanation of this form which does not appear to have 
any analogy in the cognate languages. It may be the only 
descendant of the Skr. infinitive in turn, with elision of the t, 
but this is somewhat doubtful. To this place must also be 
referred the B. infinitive or verbal noun in d, as ^T " to do," 
or " the act of doing," which, after stems ending in a vowel, 
appears as VX, the y of which is not pronounced ; thus ^ffaT 


pronounced "hdwft," ^ftlTT "dewft." The origin of this form 
is not clear to me, but it is probably connected with the parti- 
ciple in TO. 

§ 75. On the basis of the infinitive in nd is formed the agent. 
This, in Hindi, is made by adding to the oblique of the infini- 
tive the words *THT, fTTT ; as 4<«tal<!M "a doer," ^fifKI 
" a seer." Of these the former is apparently Skr. tmHI " pro- 
tector, keeper." Thus Skr. ifrTHPff " cowherd," becomes H. 
JJTOT ; as to the latter there is some difference of opinion, some 
would derive it from Skr. VT^I " holder," others from WTT^I 
" doer." I myself incline to the latter view ; the qi would be 
elided when it ceased to be initial, and its place supplied by ^, 
which is often used to fill an hiatus. This is Trumpp's opinion 
(Grammar, p. 75), who shows that in S. this form of the agent 
exists as hdro or A4rw= respectively kdraka and k&ra, as in — 

fwb§ " to create," fiK*4|flO fa) " creator," 

fff^HJ " to write,'' faM^flO (1) " writer," 

also in its original form of kdro or kdru, with nouns, as fj^jt 
" quarrel," f)4l*ll^ " quarreller." 

Kellogg (p. 245) refers to the phrase ^TTTf VTT^t in Chand's 
first verse as confirming the derivation from VT^I; hut this 
identification rests on a translation of that verse very confi- 
dently put forward by a writer whose high estimate of himself 
as a translator of Hindi has not yet been confirmed by the 
opinion of scholars in general. The translation in this par- 
ticular instance is extremely uncertain, and no argument can 
be based on it. 

Hindi has also an agent in %m, as Q^Ull "a doer," <V5*II 
" a keeper," which is shortened from q|f\*U> a dialectic form 
of qTKT* It is confined almost to rustic speech, though the 
shorter form *TITT is not uncommon in the poets. H. WfWf 
may be added also to nouns, to imply the doer of an action, or 


the person who takes care of a thing, in which latter respect 
the original meaning of p&laka is well preserved. Thus 
1jy^q [ HH "one who takes care of a horse." So also in P. 
M^qimi "husband, i.e. one who takes care of or maintains the 
house, and still more frequently M^^ImR /• " wife." Sindhi 
changes W to ^ more sua, and has m^t, as Vfi^rO " house- 
holder," from ^ "house," and fl^RRTTt "giver," from 
ft*q "to give," H.|itaT*T. 

Chand uses the form in ^TT> shortened from fl'4J, to make a 
sort of future participle, in the verb ^ " he." Thus — 

" The rape of Sita, which was to be, takes place." — Pr. E. iii. 27. 
Also — 

"Thou knowing something of futurity" — ib. xxi. 92. 

"It is written thus as destined to be, the plan which A1h» has spoken." 

— ib. xxi. 94. 

Probably, also, to this place belongs the affix qjfl in words 
like M£«nO " a village accountant," the ^ being an indication 
of a lost *, from *fft falt^O " doer." 

In M. and G. this form loses its initial consonant, and ap- 
pears simply as dra. In G. it is incorporated into one word 
with the verbal noun in ana, of which, except in this con- 
junction, no traces remain. Thus from ^W " to be," comes 
ft*ITT " one w ^° k." But, just as in the Old-H. fllfn; , the 
sense of futurity has usurped the place of the original- idea of 
agency, and hondr now means " he who, or that which, is to 
be," as q$ ffaTC 51 ft* UP! *falT ft% *nft *t* I "That 
which in truth is (destined) to be, comes to pass, except truth 
there is nothing else " (Samaldas, Leckey, p. 64). It also takes 
the long o, as ^TIT or VrpCt " that which is about to become," 
from ^ "to become," jpi*!T^ "that which is able," from 


*W$ " to be able ;" and is in practice used simply as a remote 
future tense, less immediate in its action than the simple future 
of the sa type, but equally common. Thus HZWJ VT^M vl 
H^f JlimK " ^ or this very reason we are about to kill thee ;" 
ifaTTTr ^PR% ^t ^VmK Wt " He will never forsake his 
religion/' in other words, " he is not a forsaker (H. Otta^flO) 
of, or one who is likely to forsake, his religion;" Jr *ftwp| 
JJlO*) ^8T HtTJTTCt f*ft " Having killed another, J was about 
to enjoy happiness/' literally, " I was becoming an enjoyer " 
(Leckey, p. 161). 

It is probably owing to the absence of any derivative of the 
verbal noun in ana that the grammar-writers have failed to 
understand the true origin of this form, and have supposed it 
to be composed of the verbal stem and a suffix ndr or ndro, so 
that chhodandro is by them divided chhoda-ndro, instead of 

A similar misapprehension has occurred in M. In that lan- 
guage, also, &r, drd y are used, added to the infinitive in 5f , to 
make, not a noun of the agent, but a future participle, so far, 
at least, as the meaning goes. Thus from qr^f come ^lUIH, 
" a doer/' and q^q||<j, obi. *KH|Mj. But these are used in 
the sense of " one who is about to do/ 9 as in G. So ^nrft Wfa 
is "the people who are coming/' i.e. "who are expected to 
come." Godbol, at p. 109 of his excellent Marathi Grammar, 
indicates rightly the origin of this tense, and illustrates it by 
such nouns as Skr. tpTOTT, Pr. *TOT;, M. $1TH;- Other 
grammarians, however, still speak of " the participle in HTPCT •" 

This noun, used, as above explained, participially, is employed 
to form compound tenses, § 62. In H. and P. the noun in wald 
(not vdld) is used in a future sense, as m qnitanKT ^JT "he was 
just about to go." This is not perhaps a classical phrase, but 
it is one which one hears a dozen times a day from the mouths 
of people of all classes. 

In O. one also hears a form in tcdld added to the infinitive, 



as mHHflqimi "a receiver." I suspect, however, that this is 
a recent introduction from the Hindi. There is no tv in Oriya, 
and in trying to express the sound, they imitate the Bengalis, 
and put that form of ij which it has as the last member of a 
nexus (the ya-phala as they call it), behind an ^ft. They pro- 
nounce this extraordinary combination toa, and not oya y as it 
should be. The natural genius of the language has no form 
for the agent ; instead of saying " the speaker," they would 
say, " he who speaks," or, if educated, would use the Sanskrit 
agent in ft. 

B. had, in its original state, apparently no noun of the agent 
In modern times, recourse has been had to Sanskrit agents, 
which have been used whenever required, but colloquially it 
is easy to do without a namen agentis, by slightly varying the 
arrangement of the sentence, and this is generally the course 
pursued. Such forms as ^T "doer," ^Ml "giver," used in 
literature, are, of course, Sanskrit pure and simple, and as such 
do not concern our present inquiry. 

§ 76. The pronominal suffixes which are peculiar to Sindhi 
among the languages of the Indian group are also affixed to 
verbs, and, indeed, much more copiously used in that connection 
than with nouns. At Vol. II. p. 334, these suffixes, as applied 
to nouns, were briefly treated; they require more elaborate 
handling under verbs. It was mentioned, at the place cited 
above, that in this respect Sindhi allied itself with the neigh- 
bouring Aryan group of the Iranian languages, especially with 
Persian and Pashtu. I am not in a position to analyze the 
Persian and Pashtu analogies, and with respect to the latter 
language, though Trumpp has shown (Zeitschrift d. D. M. G. 
vol. xxiii. p. 1) that it is in many respects more closely allied 
to the Indian than to the Iranian group, yet it is so evidently a 
border language, transitional between the two, that to admit it 
to the present work would cany me beyond the limits of my 

tol. in. 16 


undertaking. It will suffice merely to notice, without attempt- 
ing to discuss, the suffixes of that language as they occur in 
analogy with Sindhi* 

These suffixes are used to bring the object of the verb's 
action into one word with it, and may be thus considered as 
datives, accusatives, or whatever case expresses the nature of 
the action of any particular verb. They are the same in form 
as those attached to nouns, and stand thus in comparison with 
Persian and Pashto : 


Sindhi l.fvf 2.^ 3. ftf. 1. 3f, # 2.^ 3. fif, If . 

Persian 1. ^ 2. ^ * ^ *• C. * US *-j£. 

Pashto 1. me 2. de 3. e. 1. ma, am 2. mu 3. e. 

Taking the aorist of the active verb as the simplest tense, we 
find the suffix simply added without effecting any phonetic 
changes in the termination of the verb. Thus — 

sing. i. *rWr tgf^rat " 1 let g°>" with 8uff - of 2 8in ^ itfiwK " I let 

thee go," tgf^pvtft " I let hina go," with suff. of 2 pi. 
CtftHiq " I let yott g°" ^(1^11*1 " I let them go." 

Sing. 2. 7T ^f^Tlfc " thou lettest go/ 9 with suff. of 1 sing. $ftjliftf " tnou 
lettest me go," and so on. 

Pl» 3. Jf gfafa " they let go," with suff. of 3 sing, gflgft j fq " they 
let him go," and so on. 

The imperative is treated exactly in the same way. The 
respectful form takes f^Tt in the singular in this connection, 
not 1$, as ^FtaiRt "Please to let me go/ 9 ^frotfo " Please 
to let him go." 

In the participial tenses a still greater variety of forms re- 
sults from the change of the termination for gender in the third 



person singular and plural. The first person, however, also 
undergoes changes. Thus, in the present participle used as a 
future, ^^ftr " I shall W w., becomes jf^tat, and J^f^fa 
" I shall be," /., becomes Jg^\<j|. So that we get forms — 


/• £^13 " I shall be to you," J^qlTl "I shall be to them." 

So, also, the plurals J^l*ft »*., and J^f^dUlY "we shall be," 
become respectively jf^TOf and j£(^[^4J. The second person 
remains unchanged, merely affixing the personal suffixes. In 
the third person m. jft^t is shortened to ^^, and/, jf^t to jf^T 
or J$^ ; pi. m. jf^T becomes 1^[, except with the suffix of the 
first person plural, as jf^TO " they shall be to us," but Jt^f 
" they shall be to you ; " pi. /. remains unchanged. 

The past participle used as a perfect tense undergoes analo- 
gous changes. Thus — 

1 Sing.fM. ^tftf "I was,' 9 becomes ^t^t> as fl4j|f^ " I was to thee." 

» /• 3nrf% » » irt^Tt' " VljMlRj " I was to him." 

1 PL m. JPflNFY " we were," „ JTIllri) „ Jf^UtiPl " we were to them ." 

» /• y^Ff " » » J^f> » J^tS? " we werc to you,,> 

The second and third persons remain almost unchanged. In 
active verbs, however, where only the 3 sing, is used, owing to 
the objective construction, a somewhat different system prevails. 
The subject, which in other languages is put in the instru- 
mental, may in S. be indicated by a suffix, and the object being 
also shown by a suffix, it arises that the verb may have two 
suffixes at the same time. Thus " I forsook thee," would be in 
H. % % <5H ^Et ^t¥T> lit. " by me thee forsaken," where the 
subject is in the instrumental, and the object in the accusative, 
case, the verb (i.e. participle) being left in the masc. singular, 
because there is no neuter in H. In M., which has a neuter, 


the Bh&va or impersonal construction is used, as Hit "JUT iftflif 
" by me to thee released/' as though it were a me tibi relictum 
(est). Sindhi expresses this sentence by one word vHllftjjl!^ 
i.e. chhadio-m&n-i= " forsaken- by me-thee." Thus there arises 
a long string of forms for every possible combination of the 
agent and the object. A few may be given as examples; a full 
range will be found by those who desire to pursue the question 
further in Trumpp (p. 371) : 

gfl*n*(lfq " I have forsaken him." 
fff%^Tn£ftr " he has forsaken him." 
ftf |f\Hi!(ftj " he caused him to sit" 
f^Hl^fa " they said to her.' 
f%|l||f[fl| *' she said to them. 1 



The suffixes denoting the agent are |[ sing, and ^t pi., which 
Trumpp considers to be shortened from ^f "by him," instr. 
of ft "this," and ^fif "by them," instr. pL of * "that," 

A curious proof of the antiquity of these complicated forms 
with suffixes is afforded by the fact, that in connection with 
them the 3 sing, aoriet of V^TC( appears still in its old Pr. 
form of ^re (^rfcf), § 59. This form exists only in combina- 
tion with the pronominal suffixes, whereas the ordinary form 
<*31% is used both with and without suffixes. Thus they say 
^It^fir and ^reft " there is to me," as in the line — 

" There w to me a secret matter, come near, then I will tell it." 

— Trumpp, p. 360. 

It is used just as in Latin "est mihi," in the sense of "I have," 
as TOf* " I have," ^nft (for ***%) " thou hast," ^RTfa " he 
has," ^|^ (for ^W^t) "we have," ^T* "ye have," ^T^fif 
" they have." It is incorrect to say with Trumpp (he. cit.) 


that atha has in S. " been transferred to the plural." The verb 
remains in the 3 sing, throughout, and takes suffixes of both 
numbers and all three persons. 

In the compound tenses the suffixes are attached to the 
auxiliaries, leaving the principal verb unchanged. Both single 
and double suffixes are used in this way, just as with the simple 
and participial tenses. Thus fqnft ftT " t^ou na ^ made," 

m ftr^nrcn: y££ &*.) $ ^ lNRf^ftitf[(forjr^)^ 

% OlfKlft "He looked towards that servant whom he had pre- 
viously instructed," literally, " Which servant previously by 
him instructed, to that (one) by him looked" (Trumpp, 
p. 379). 

It is tempting to look for the origin of this habit of using 
suffixes to the Semitic languages, which, from the early con- 
quests of the Arabs in Persia and Sindh, may have had an 
influence upon the speech of those countries. On the other 
hand, however, the presence of a precisely similar habit in 
Italian and Spanish, seems to show that there exists a tendency 
to such constructions even in the Aryan family ; for I suppose 
that even if we see in the Spanish forms a trace of Arab 
influence, no such motive power can be argued for any part 
of Italy, unless it be Sicily. 

In Italian there are separate forms for the suffixed personal 
pronouns, and when used with a verb in the imperative or 
infinitive, these suffixed forms are incorporated into the verb ; 
thus they say rispondetemt " answer me," parlate^/* " speak to 
him," datefe "give her, 99 imaginary "to imagine it," offriteci 
"offer us." Double suffixes are also used, as assicuratemew* 
" assure me of it," dateglielo " give it to him," mandsiteglielo 
" send them to him." 

So also in Spanish, vino & Yerme " he came to see me," vengo- 
& soccorrerte " I come to help thee," quiero castigaro* " I will 
punish you," iejeme "let me go," pasandom* "as I was passing," 
escribafe "write to him," difea " tell them." Here, also, double 


suffixes may be used, as Aecirtelo " to tell it thee," mostradaoa&z 
" show her to us." 

It is noticeable, however, that this habit in Italian and 
Spanish is modern, and does not exist in Latin, any more than 
it does in Sanskrit. Is it, then, a result of the confusion of 
forms that sprung into existence simultaneously with the decay 
of the old synthetic system, or is it an adoption of a Semitic 
principle P Diez finds the origin of the suffixed pronouns in 
shortened forms of the dative and accusative of Latin, which 
were already in use in the classical period. 1 It remains, how- 
ever, to be explained how this peculiarity arose in the Romance 
group, in one member of the Iranian, and two members of the 
Indian group, only, and nowhere else in all the wide range of 
the Indo-European family. 

§ 77. Having now gone through all the forms of the modern 
Indian verb, the subject may be closed by some remarks on the 
way in which the terminations are added to those verbal stems 
which end in a vowel. So many of these terminations begin 
with vowels, that a hiatus necessarily ensues, and the modern 
languages, though they do not, as a rule, object to a hiatus, do 
in this particular make occasional efforts to avoid it. 

Hindi stems end only in long vowels — 4, I, 6, e, o. Some 
grammarians call those stems which end in a long vowel open 
roots, and those which end in a consonant close roots. This 
terminology has nothing to recommend it, and there is no 
advantage in retaining it. The tenses whose terminations 
begin with vowels are the aorist, future, imperative, and past 

Before terminations beginning with 6 or o, no attempt is 
made to soften the hiatus, but before d and e there is sometimes 
inserted a Jf or ^f . As types may be taken the stems 9TT " go/ 9 

1 Gramm. d. Romaniachen Sprachen, toI. ii. p.85, el uqq. 



xft " drink," ^ " touch," ^ "give," and ift "sow." The aorist 
of these five is as follows : — 


i. ^rr^i 2. *mi» *nft» ^trt 3. w. 

1. ifa* 2. ifht tfft 3. id. 

1. fl^t 2. 9V 3. ui. 

1. ^fr, £ 2. ^, ^ 3. ML 

i. wt* 2. ^rn, *ft 3. id. 


i« srnfc* *r^i» *rt*r 2. ^n^jt 3. 9rnt*rf^i>*rfc 

1- 4fat 4W 2. TJHt 3. iftlfc, ij^f 

l. ^t 2. ^?r 3. ^t 

1- *flfW. *ftlfc 2. ^Y^jt 3. *flf, ^W 

The common stems de and & usually suffer contraction by the 
elision of their final vowel, and one more commonly hears do 
" give! " h " take!" d&ngd " I will give," lingd " I will take," 
than the full forms. 

The future and imperative follow the same rule as the aorist. 
In the past participle of stems ending in d, ^ is inserted before 
the d of the termination, as *R " come," p.p.p. tn-^T-^R (^WT)> 
HT "find," IJTOT* ^nr "eat," ^TRTT* But in the poets, especially 
in Tulsi Das, instead of ^ we find ^ commonly inserted. Thus, 
Uff faffa TTT ?prff WSflfim " In this way Ram explained to 
all" (Ay-k. 457). *im "came," ^TRT "made," TOT "found," 
arrrr "sang," for TOTT, *PTRIT, *TTOT, TRrr respectively. 
Kabir uses both forms indifferently. Thus in Ram. 48, i. TOTOT 
"caused to read," TTRIT "found," but in the next, Ram. 49, ITRT 
and W*CI> In the fern, sing., however, and in the pi. m. and 
f., the junction-letter *f is not used, thus ^irtj "she came," 
<Hlt^ "she made," fern, sing., ini}, HT% masc. pi. As all 


causals end in 4, these forms are of frequent occurrence, and 
sometimes even an f; is inserted, as WTNFTT. In the old ha 
future, the & of the stem and the initial * of the termination 
frequently coalesce into % f as — 

iBp f?pre wft ^ ^Kt i 

ftlf 1JT TH^rf^ MIT ^ A 

" For a few days, mother, sustain thy courage, 
Raghublr wiU come with the monkeys, 
Slaying the demons, will carry thee off; 
The three worlds, N&rada and all shall ring his praise." 

— Ttilsi, Ram., S.-k. 36. 

where iftf=^in[|£, %f^=*nt^[, and 8|f|f =r ifpft; so also we 
find ^f|{ "they will find," for ^nft, mod. xjftif (Tulsi, Ram., 
S.-k. 10). In other places, however, we find the junction-letter 

*, as tmrfif, ^nrfw , etc. 

In Panjabi the junction-letter for the aorist, imperative, and 
future is regularly Tf, as *|f% " he goes," JTRfaT " he will go/' 
but before o it is omitted, as wnvt " go ye," *rNft^ " ye will 
go." For the past participle it is ^, as ^t^ff " been," masc. 
sing., and is omitted before e, as ^tH "been," masc. pL In the 
three first-named tenses the *f is regularly inserted in pure P., 
but in speaking it is now sometimes, under the influence of 
Hindi, omitted, and ^n is heard instead of the more cha- 
racteristic ^%JTT 

In Sindhi all verbal stems end in a vowel, those stems, which 
in other languages end in a consonant, having in that language 
a short a or t. In this class of stems, before the neuter infini- 
tive in ^TJ, a ^ is inserted, as Jf "fall," infin. q^TJ ; fif "bow," 
infin. f*rro . Before the active infinitive in f^J no junction- 
letter is employed, as if " measure," infin, *fl^. 


Stems, whether active or neuter, ending in I and 6, and some- 
times those ending, in o, shorten those vowels in the infini- 
tive, as — 

ift " drink," infin. ftTOQT 

^"string," „ ip*ig 

Vt"wagh,» „ ^RJ 

Tft " weep," „ ^HJ 

ft "be," „ jr^pji; 

but, on the other hand, vt " carry," has infin. Tt^Rg; and 
stems in d 9 including causals, retain the long vowel, as — 

ITPffT " 8p«ak, M infin. ^WfTfTJ 

%^T " cause to turn," „ %TTf?5 • 

The aorist follows generally the type of the infinitive, re- 
taining the short vowel. In the persons ?J is inserted as in P., 
except before 6 or o ; thus ipjt " I fall," is declined — 

Sing. l.i|^t 2.lft &lft. PL 1.11* 2.ipft 3. V^f*. 

The ^ may be dropped before 2 and 3 sing., as fq "thou 
sayest," or " he says." The common verb f%^PQ| " to give," 
undergoes contraction in this, as in all the other languages ; 
thus 2 sing, ^f "thou givest," not firt, 3 pi. iftfM, not 

Verbs ending in d insert ^ before d, 6, and o, as jJTTOt " I 
grow old," 3*TP|i " we grow old," ^TRlt "ye grow old." 

The imperative and other tenses follow the general rule, 
which may, for Sindhi, and, to a great extent, for the other 
languages also, be thus stated ; the junction-letters are ^f and 
H, ^ is omitted before vowels of its own organ, as u and o, and 
H is omitted before * and e ; before d both are employed, but 
preferentially ^ after short vowels, and TJ after long ones. 

Thus, in the present participle, which is used as a future, ^ is 
either inserted or omitted, as — 




Tpjqj " to fall," l|^(t " falling.' 

finra " to drink/ 9 fl|li^ " drinking. 1 

V^Rff " to wash," M^f^ " W88n ^ D ff*' 

Contraction also occurs, as *ppj "to speak/* ^^t (^ftft) 
JH^T " to be," <^t (**$) firWJ " to give," *t^t (fini^t). 
The past participle regularly ends in Y^ft or ^ff , and the in- 
serted ?J is naturally dropped before it, thus — 

^^HT makes ^Rft, not 'T^t* 

If the stem ends in a palatal vowel or consonant, the i of the 
termination is dropped, as — 

ftntir "to become," f%T^t» "><>t tftqftsfff + ¥^ft- 
^PPI " to speak," **t. 
^ffPJ " to Inquire," ^ftfff . 

Passives naturally drop the euphonic ^f of the active infini- 
tive before their palatal junction- vowel, as — 

^«7W " speak," imperfect ^TO> Passive 4({4|l|| " to be spoken." 
1T^|«faU," „ TO, „ xn^nj "to be fallen." 

The stems quoted above, as shortening their radical long 
vowel before the termination of the infinitive active, naturally 
retain the long vowel in the passive, as — 

ift " drink," ifonj " to be drunk." 

TjJ' string," Tgm " to be strung." 

\ft " wash," Vtf^HJ " be washed." 

There is very little to notice, in this respect, about G. The 
orthography of that language is still in so unfixed a state, that 
it is impossible to seize upon any principles as to junction- 
letters. One writer will insert them, while another omits them, 
or the same writer will insert them on one page and omit them 
on the next. Thus we find ftH> ft^> ^t^f> Vt*l written in- 


differently, also 9^ and ^TJ. Until the natives of that pro- 
vince make up their minds as to how their language ought to 
be spelt, it is impossible for foreigners to evolve any laws or 
rules on the subject. 

§ 78. Marathi is slightly more sensitive to hiatus, and has 
a greater fondness for the ^j-sound than the other languages. 
There exists, consequently, in some persons of certain tenses, a 
system of Sandhi for Tadbhava words and forms, which differs 
in its general principles from that prevailing in Sanskrit. The 
grammar-writers, unfortunately, either omit entirely or only 
casually note these important combinations. The following 
remarks are offered as a contribution to the subject. 1 

The tenses of the M. verb, whose terminations begin with a 
vowel, are the aorist, imperative, future, and subjunctive, also 
the participles present and past, the conjunctive and infinitive. 
These are for the neuter verb ; in the active verb the ^, which 
is inserted between the stem and termination, causes a collision 
of two vowels in the other tenses also. Verbal stems ending in 
all the vowels except a have here to be considered (kh& " eat/' 
p!" drink," ghe"take"). 

Aorist, (in modern usage past habitual) — 


l.^rrt 2.isrrtsr 3.^ri;- i.^tt* 2.^rr 3.^rnr. 

i.4tt 2.lfH^ 3.4*t* 2.UT 3.lft*. 
1 ^ 2.^f 3.^. L^T 2.^T 3.^71. 

But in the 3 sing. %, tft are used, so also ^f, iftl in 2 sing., 
and in the 3 pi. the final ^ is elided. In 2 sing, both ^ and TF 
are changed to the palatal semivowel before &, though not 
before 6, so that we have HT, WT side by side with ijfat (not 
i£), 5* (not ^). 

1 For tbe illustrations to this section I have to thank Captain G. A. Jacob, 
Inspector of Schools, Pun&, who kindly furnished me with details which are wanting 
from most of the grammars. 


In the future there is similarly in 2 pL 1ITO> WTW, WW, 
and so also in the imperative 2 pi. WT> WT ; % " come/' makes 
aorist 2 pi. ^n, future VIWI, and occasionally one hears % aorist 
3 sing, for the more regular itf^. 

In the subjunctive the semivowel occurs again, as tJTOT, 
WPTt> but ^rnn simply from $. This last verb should, by 
analogy, form VTRT, but the double y in such a position would 
be unpronounceable, and a single y is therefore exhibited. It 
must not be supposed that the e of % has simply been dropped. 

For the potential the termination of the present ^f might 
have been expected to be simply added to the verbal stem, as 
no hiatus would thus be caused. But the origin of this form 
from the Skr. part, in m renders this course impossible. The 
7[ of 7TO having suffered elision, there naturally results an 
hiatus. Thus from Jdlf^flcj), Pr. ^mT^f gives Wtt, the first 
?J supplying the place of the lost ^, so that in the potential we 
get not ^rr^T, but ^rTOW. Similarly tftanf, ifcraft, i^R??, 
and even in stems ending in f , as f%f " write/' ftnppjrf . 

Stems ending in u preserve the hiatus almost throughout, 
thus dhu " wash " — 

Subj. VMHl or ^TTTT. 
Pot. \pPRf. 

In the present participle only 7f is added, not ^7f or ^RT, as 
^JRT, ^fl7T, %*T> ^n$ ^T, and in the past participle the semi- 
vowel is generally used, as — 

^T PP. laWT "eaten." 

% >, WTWT " pot on.** 

*ft » *TOIT " feared." 

fa n ^TTWT " brought forth." 

^ » Wm or fffirr " drunk." 


Some stems avoid the hiatus by insertion of H, as ifrnrT, 
V7TWT (see § 47), which is also used in some stems ending with 
a consonant. 

The conjunctive is 13TOTO, *ffaf, ^3PI, ifaff. These are 
all the forms in which an initial vowel of a termination comes 
in contact with a final stem- vowel, and it will be observed that 
the change of the latter into a semivowel occurs generally 
before a or d, but not before I or 6. When the stem-vowel is u 
or 0, the semivowel is added to, not substituted for, the vowel, 
as in \prTTT, not VTRfT* From this and other instances in 
word-building, and in the formation of the case of the noun, it 
would appear that the labial and palatal vowels are more per- 
manent and less liable to change in Marathi than the guttural 

It is somewhat difficult to follow the author of the Portu- 
guese grammar of the Konkani dialect, in consequence of the 
peculiarity of the system of transliteration which he uses, and 
only half explains, but there would appear to be several forms 
peculiar to that dialect. Thus he tells us that if makes its past 
part, yelo or ailo, which latter he calls " marattismo," as if all 
Konkani were not Marathi. § makes gheilo (perhaps ^QTT), 
as well as ghetlo (^faTWT). Qhatd (ijj) makes qhelo (%^fT) 
" outros dizem qhailo " (<g|(Jij||), he adds, "ambos irregulares," 
though the latter, from a Marathi point of view, would be more 
normal than the actually used J$TWT. Perhaps the author 
would call it a "marattismo." Generally speaking, it would 
appear from the specimens of Konkani given by Burnell, 1 that 
the termination of the p.p. consists of qft, ift, %, etc., added 
to the stem without an intermediate vowel, as ^{Wt " sat " 
(M. -TOWT), ^ "fell" (M. U*WT), ^T^ft "remained" (M. 
TTf^ft)* and the like. 

The differences between Konkani and Marathi do not, I 

1 Specimen* of South Indian Dialects (Mangalore, 1872). 


think, entitle the former to be considered a distinct member of 
the Aryan group, but rather a dialect of the latter, which has 
been subjected very largely to Dravidian influences. Parallel 
to it, on the opposite coast of India, is the Oriya spoken in 
Ganjam and Vizagapatam, which, though radically Oriya, has, 
nevertheless, been much Dravidianized by the influence of the 
Telugu which surrounds it. Both Ganjam Oriya and Kon- 
kani Marathi show traces of this influence not only in pro- 
nunciation, but even in structure. There is much to be said on 
this subject, were this the proper place for it, and, from the 
known results in languages under our own eyes of Dravidian 
influences on Aryan speech, we might base considerations as to 
the probable extent and nature of those influences in former 
times. The subject would require a whole treatise to itself. 


§ 79. In Bangali no attempt is made to avoid hiatus, the 
verbs ending in vowels simply add the terminations without 
any change. Thus J(\ " go " (pronounced yd), makes— 


Aorist. 1. ^rnC 2. H\l*& 3.1fTO- ^VJ^ 2.^TPlft 3.ITR. 

Present ^rnptfif > subjunctive iH^dltf, and so on. 

Contraction, however, takes place in the 3 pi. of the aorist, 
as in ^TR for ^TTTPT, Y*l (hontt) for ftiPf * and in the familiar 
verb ^ " give," almost throughout ; thus we have — 


Aor. l.f^J 2.f^f 3. ^?f. l.fif 2. ^(t 3.^l| 

Pres. 1. f^^fl(> etc. 

Pret^J 2.f^ftre 3.f^f. l.f^WR 2.fif% 3.f^%l| 

Fut. l.fifw[tir 3.f^. l.f^r 2.f^o^ 3.t^ir, 

contracted from ^, ^{TftCf, ^[T^* ^C> e *°^ respectively. 
As a rule, however, though in ordinary speech many of the 
forms of stems in vowels are very much contracted, yet in 


writing the fall forms are always used. It is only in a few 
very familiar words that the contractions are admitted into the 
written style of the present day. The old poets, however, 
writing more freely and naturally, employ them frequently. 
Thus Bh&rat Chandra, Jf^^l^ ^) fTOT ^ftTT l^fll^r " He 
took Majumd&r along with him, having mounted him on a 
horse " (Mansingh, 417), where ftTSfT is for *n^TT, from Wfll 
"to take." So he constantly uses ^PBJ for q$ "says," as ^ftZTW 
fTftWT TO I lft% 1W TT V* I " The Kotwal laughing, says, 
Are you not ashamed to say so P" (Bidyft-S. 356), also qft for 
qrffW, as fTO 1TO t^H TO faf^f^ "Alas ! alas ! what shall I 
say to fateP" (ib. 360), and f^if for ^if aorist 3 sing., as ^TPl 
f^TT TO^B *r$l f%?t TO^Sf " First having given how much 
pain, they give in between how much pleasure" (ib. 359). 

The contractions admitted in Oriya are similar to those in 
Bangali, but the language does not avoid the hiatus in any 
way; and in both O. and B. the terminations are almost 
universally preceded by short t, which does not combine with 
the preceding vowel, but in pronunciation often disappears 
altogether. Thus they say, O. ^TTJ "wilt thou eat?" for 
i^rnC3» "^ n a ^ ew wor ^ B th° vowel of the root has gone out, 
thus from *TT " go," we have farfW " I will go," for srn[fa ; 
from ^T "remain," infin. fTOT for ^nCIT; *IT "find," however, 
retains its vowel, as Jrntf*T» THCft* *rnCWT- Also *TT and ^T 
retain their vowels everywhere except in the preterite, future, 
and infinitive. 



CONTENTS.—} 80. Adverbs Nominal and Pronominal.— § 81. Pronominal 
Adverbs of Tims, Place, and Manner. — { 82. Adybrbs Debited from 
Nouns and Verbs.— § 83. Conjunctions. — § 84. Interjections. — $ 86. 
Postpositions. — § 86. Conclusion. 

§ 80. The seven languages are rich In adverbs, and have a 
specially symmetrical range of pronominal adverbs, correspond- 
ing to the several classes of pronouns. The forms were given 
in Vol. II. pp. 336-38, in order to show their analogy to the 
pronouns, but nothing was said in that place about their origin; 
it will now be necessary to consider them more closely. The 
pronominal adverbs may be at once assumed to have sprung 
from the pronouns to which they respectively correspond, by 
the incorporation of some noun indicative of time, place, 
manner, and the like. On the other hand, the adverbs which 
have no pronominal meaning are clearly derived from various 
cases of nouns, whether substantives or adjectives. Participles, 
also, in virtue of their seminominal character, are used ad- 
verbially, either in their original form, or with certain modifi- 
cations. Adverbs, therefore, may be divided into two classes, 
nominal and pronominal, with reference to their origin, and 
into three general categories of time, place, and manner, with 
reference to their meaning. To these must be added adverbs 
of confirmation and negation, and certain little helping words 
which are more adverbial in their nature than anything else. 
It is also to be noted that, while on the one hand simple nouns 
are often used adverbially, on the other hand, adverbs are 


capable of being used as nouns with, postpositions after them, 
as in H. ifW *ft WTK, lit. " the word of then," i.e. " the matter 
that took place then/' ^W % WP*T Wt^f " the kings of now, 
i.e. " those of the present day. 

§ 81. (1). Pronominal adverbs of time. — The near demonstra- 
tive is H. ^re, G-. fft, M. T{Bft, O. }[%. All these hang to- 
gether, and are apparently compounds of the Skr. ^WT " time/' 
with the type of the demonstrative ^l, \> or |[. The fuller 
form in O. shows this, it is ipl if§5, which is clearly the loca- 
tive case of a masculine ^|, literally, " in so much time." G. 
has prefixed a f , but many words in G. may be indifferently 
written with ^ or ^f ; there is, therefore, nothing organic about 
this letter when met with in this connection. In M. Tjgt also 
the f seems to be somewhat anomalous. There are also, how- 
ever, many other forms for " now " in the various languages, 
which appear to be unconnected with ^UT. 

Hindi is mostly, however, faithful to the type in ?J; thus in 
Braj ^ft, Marwari ^Sfr, and still more clearly Bhojpuri T^C, 
which approaches to the 0. vfr- The same type runs through 
all the pronominal forms, as *JW " whenever," m " then," qffl 
"when." Bhojpuri ^ft, ift?;, |ft^, Braj *ft, ffii, qfr. The 
Skr. forms J(%1, 7(^1, ^T appear in H. ^, *|^, ^R*, and in 
the dialectic forms, 9|^, W^t, W£, SRft, WV\; as also 7f^, etc., 
^^, etc. ; the forms with the palatal and labial vowels have, I 
think, arisen from the incorporation of the affirmative particle 
^t or H " indeed," of which more further on. 

Panjabi JRf, G. S. 1T%, B. TPOT, and a dialectic form in O. 
^nf, all meaning "now," are to be referred, as the B. form 
clearly shows, to the Skr. ^Hf " instant, moment." For the 
rest of the series P. has *|^, !ti^, q^. S., however, has 
another type flh>T> ^T "now," in which we may, perhaps, see 
the Skr. ^TW " time," combined with the pronoun f^ " this ; " 
vol. ni. 17 


for the other members of the series it has *f%^¥ " whenever," 
(RftfY "then," ^rf^ff "when P" which arise from the Skr. ^T, 
etc., with the emphatic ^f, which has changed the preceding 
vowel into the i which is so common in S. They also write 
W$t and ^Tf^ as dialectic variations ; also *ft, Iff (but not qft), 
where the ^ of l^J has suffered elision. 

G. has, besides f%, also ^TOTt, ^Tt, and for the rest %TTT» 
*fan^, ?^n^, commonly contracted into 9HT^, etc., in which 
we see the Skr. ^TT " tune." Owing to the G. peculiarity in 
respect of initial \, we have also ^UTOTt, and with a modernized 
form of Skr. ^f "here," ^Wrft (VI *T^) "at this time," 

M. is consistent throughout 1[5ft, %ft> ifcft, %^>ft* In 
Old-M. forms ihift, etc., occur, showing that the modern Bg 
vh is an inversion from J[ hv. The suggested origin from Skr. 
q^T, by aspirating the ^ and adding ^Tt, the termination of 
the locative (Godbol, p. 75), is unsatisfactory. M. lias also a 
series sfa, etc., meaning "while," " as long as," which recalls 
H. ^R with inorganic anun&sika. 

0. has the fuller forms, %?t %§o, etc., and %^ explained 
above ; the former is quite as frequently used as the latter, if 
not more so. " Time is made for slaves," and not for Oriyas. 

B. *reif, mpr, etc., uniformly, pronounced Jdkhdn or jdkhdnd, 
etc. H. adds- constantly ^t for emphasis, as ^R*ft "now" 
(^TCft), qpft " sometimes " (qRfty and with the negative qpft 
inpf " never." 

For the indefinite pronominal adverb "ever," "sometimes," 
the other languages have, P. q^t (^R^ft), l^lf, ^, S. WWffy 
G. ^t, M. **ff, B. WT, 0. %^, tfc%f$. All these are re- 
peated to signify "sometimes," as P. ^t q^t, M. vft ^Wf. 

The above express definite or quiescent time ; for progressive 
time, whether past, as " since," or future " until," the adverbs 
above given are used as nouns with case-affixes. Thus H. ^JW 
% "from now," "henceforth," jn % "thenceforth/' ** % 


" since when P" qft % "from the time when/' or with the older 
affix >f in the poets, as in ^Of TTf *VTff ^ ^flfa I "From the 
time when Bam married and came home" (Tulsi-R&m, 
Ay-k. 5), P. *^f , S. *rflfT*t> *fit1 c lt> *f%fT*T; where 
4t is probably a shortened form of q^, an oblique from ^^, 
which we may connect with ^TW "time," as in ff^TC "now." 
The long d or o of jadihd, jadiho^ as contrasted with the i 
of *lf%^¥, seems to indicate an oblique form. Gk ^nUTsff 
" henceforth," ^TOTT^N an ^ apparently also J^TTWf > an ^ tne 
rest of the series. They also say ^TOTT *wft "henceforth." 
M. uses ?ffl or ?ff^f, which are not pronominal. Neither B. 
nor O. have special forms for this idea. 

To express "until " in Old-H. irfSf, ift, ift, in modern H. 
IRFy *W1, and m, are affixed to the pronominal adverb, as in 
Chand — 

ir lift inj *jft *rnr i 
iw wftr ft ^rrat w(f i 

" Till then, pain and poverty of body, 
Till then, my limbs were light (i.e. mean), 
So long as I came not to thee, 
And worshipped not at thy feet. — Pr.-R. i. 276. 

Here, as always in H., the negative has to be inserted, and 
we must translate Vf nf3f by " so long as." This idiom is not 
peculiar to H., but is found in many other languages. In 
modern Hindi *m IF* JJH ^fK 4t wff ^f% " So long as Ram 
comes not home," i.e. " until he comes," and the same in P. 

S. has ^ff or Tf^RhfTft " up to this time," ^Wt or fWfaT% 
" up to that time," where TTTif, as explained in Vol. II. p. 298, 
is Skr. ^n%, which, from meaning " in the pl&ce," has grown 
to mean "up to." ^jft, I suppose, is a contraction of CTrer 
" time." 

(2). Pronominal adverbs of place. — See list in Vol. II. p. 336. 


The Hindi series ^ft, ^t, Wft, 7!ft> 1ft> is composed of the 
pronominal bases with ft, which we are justified in referring 
to Skr. q^nt ; thus *|ft= TP^THl. The dental is preserved in 
several dialectic forms (Kellogg, p. 265), as Marwari f^i, ^T3^, 
t$ " here/ 1 ^, etc., " there," Avadhi nf<nit, lftfi*jl, Bhoj- 
puri T&\, TRT^. But the Braj ^, \f(, is, I think, by 
Kellogg rightly referred to the Skr. series ^Pf, 7PI, etc. The 
Bundelkhandi form Vl*f\ ifi probably only another way of pro- 
nouncing I(T$> as we find in Old-Bengali such words as *TOTf*f 
for ^TT^ (modern JgWII^l). To sthdne, also, are to be ascribed 
the P. forms ^9t, ^}, etc. S. has not only jft(, ftrfw, etc., 
which may come from ^pj, ITW> but ^8f, which agrees with P., 
and ff?(, which is, I suspect, like (fPMl " one/' an instance 
of a f being put on to the front of a word without any etymo- 
logical cause. 

Gk has various forms Wt^t, Wft, Iff, ^^it^t " here," and 
the same variety through all the series. The adverbial part 
agrees with H. Shortened forms Off, Jft> Wt> and even *ff, 
Tit, ^it, are also in use. 

M. agrees closely with P. and S. in its series ifa, ^faf, etc., 
where the final anusw&ra, like that of Bhojpuri U3Tf!> preserves 
the n of 8thdne. But qftf% " where/ 9 has the cerebral. 

0. having first made sthdna into <n> proceeds with the de- 
clension through its own affixes, and has thus a modern locative 
71^, in \16\K, *&6\K- The final ^ is often dropped, and 1[3T» 
%7T, or even shortened vfy, %fif are used. B. uses ^Tl%, 
which seems to come from HTfif on the analogy of ^Ht= ^flH 
(Var. iii. 14) and ^rnj=WnT (#. iii. 15). For " where/' 
however, it has a more regular form ^ft^T, in older Bengali 
qfrrPT, as TTTT *HI TOTfirft ^T^W ^ftTR " Where shall I 
find a female saint like her?" (Bharat, Bidya-S. 399), where 
the final If for 1J is a relic of the e of sthdne. We also find 
^fT and ^4TO " here," otc. 


In the case of the adverbs of this group, as in those of time, 
the case-affixes are used, as H. q^ft % " from where P " 
"whence P" Gk ^tft *ft "hence, " P. t*IWlf "whence?" But this 
practice is only in force to imply motion from a place. To 
express motion toward* a place a separate set is used. 

In classical H. the adverbial element is \T^, as ^RC 
"hither," W^ "thither." The dialectic forms are very 
various. Bhojpuri has ICFfT, ^3*CT> ^ a ^ so ^> ^^> e * c - > m 
eastern Behar one hears lPf^, ^RT, and many others. Kellogg 
quotes also a curious form from Rlw& 1$ %ft, K$ *TOtal, or nj 
jfy. If we take the original of all these forms to be \T^, that 
is a word of many meanings both in Skr. and H. ; but I am 
disposed to connect the series with M. +^K " face," G. iftf ^ 
id., a diminutive from Skr. *J?3, so that the older adverbial 
element would be *^, as in Bhojpuri, whence ^, which 
would, by a natural process, glide into *T^ and \T^. For the 
Rlw& form I can suggest no origin. 

The S. and M. forms seem to be connected, and with them I 
would associate the common O. expressions 1£ ^UT$ " in this di- 
rection," "hither" (^ft 1W%, ^ft ^W%> etc.), which are loca- 
tives, and H Ht^, etc., "from this place," "hence," which 
are ablatives. The Sindhi adverb, as usual in that language, is 
written in a dozen ways, but the simplest form is H% " hither," 
and Hjt " hence," which, like (X, are respectively locative and 
ablative. Marathi has what is apparently a fuller form ^R% 
" hither," locative, where the adverbial portion is J^ "a side," 
said to be from Skr. *R " hip, loin." It has also an ablative 
series ^VCT "hence." May we not here throw out a crumb 
for our Non- Aryan brethren P There is a long string of words 
in our seven languages of the type adda, and our Sanskrit 
dictionaries give V^K& "to join," also "to stop." On the 
other hand, Telugu has ikkada "here," ikkadiki "hither," 
which looks very like M. ikade. So, also, in Telugu akkada 
" there." All the Dravidian languages have a root add, which, 


in various forms, has a range of meanings such as "to be near/ 9 
" close," " to cross," " to stop," and the like. They may have 
borrowed from the Aryans, or the Aryans from them. It by no 
means follows, as the opposite party always assume, that when 
a word is common to both groups, it must have been originally 
Dravidian. In the 0. expression ^THf is a noun meaning 
"direction," and is used in that sense independently of its 
adverbial employment with the pronoun. 

(3). Pronominal adverbs of manner. — The Hindi series iff, 
**ft> iff 9 etc., and for the near demonstrative and interrogative 
respectively softened forms ?i and qtf, vary very little in the 
dialects. Marwari has ^f, ^fr "thus," and, together with 
Braj and Mewari, has the far demonstrative, which is wanting 
in the classical dialect, *ft or ^. Mewari adds qpc and *TT, as 
ifaT> iffT " thus," which Kellogg looks on as from Skr. V and 
Jm respectively, and rightly so ; for even in classical H. we have 
3ffH "howP" and in Chand and the poets t|f^ or *H fa) are 
added to all this pronominal series at will. 

The older form of this group is still preserved in the Purbi 
form ^1 or ffb, f*|f)?, fTTfa. Chand has both this series and 
the modern one in ^Eff, as iff vpft f\fq ^HPl I "Thus the 
Bishi was absorbed in thought " (Pr.-B. i. 48), itff ^ ^1* 
VRtM I **f WTpl *ftfa£ *JW I " Thus this story is proved, its 
learned folk know " (ib. xiii. 5), M^JJiq<ft ^ % ^^t I ^Cf*l 
TT*I JrfWTW I " King Prithiraj, rejoicing, thus (ima) led away 
Padm&vatl " (ib. xx. 35), TTft^J ^ f*A *PPf I "Sow can one 
go there P" (ib. i. 90). Tulsi Das has jfil, ftf*?> etc., as in 
<ff*l *Wfa ^R^lft farf*? ^rhft "Her body was in a sweat, she 
trembled as a plantain-tree (trembles)." — Ram. Ay-k. 131. 

M. may be excluded, as it has no series of this type, but 
merely the neuter of the adjective pronoun, as ^Rjf, *fif, jftf. 
All the other languages have closely allied words. B. ipn, 
ipnT, IPPT, 1&ft> " thus," %*T*r, etc. ; the first two are nomi- 
natives, the last two locatives. 0. TprfTT, ifoTfilj locatives ; also 


It t rfT> the pronominal type, with a postposition. Gk JfJR y %H, 
where the termination has been lost, also for demonstrative 
^HH. This series is sometimes written HRf, WH> ^Hf> but %Vf 
is the more common, as in T$tfH ^X *&o *ft fa*tf\<8i 5N? ^R^f TT 
*wft ^fh| I "The fame of Nala was spread abroad, as spread 
the rays of the sun " (Prem&nand in H.-D. iL 71). 

Next in order comes the Old-Purbi H. Y^fjf, etc., and, with 
the nasal weakened, probably through an intermediate form 
^, and change of the semivowel to its vowel, P. T^3fc and l^| 
ai&n, and the full series fjftfr, fifSfr, ftF3T? a« well as one 
without the t, W&, TI^F, etc., to which is allied H. wff, etc., 
for f^. S. rejects the labial element in f^|, ^Nl, ^lt and 
the rest of the series. 

In this instance B. and O. preserve the fuller forms, and the 
other languages fall away by degrees, in the order given above. 
The whole group points, in my opinion, clearly to a type in K1{ 
or ^. This is still more clearly seen by comparing the pro- 
nominal adjective of quality in B. and 0. %?P(T, ifapw, for 
?prit is the regular Prakrit form of the masc. Wl, just as q^ft 
is of ^7^ in Skr. It is true that the existing Skr. series means 
rather quantity than manner, thus — 

fafaT^ " how much ? " 

TPfFTP^i °^nft» «^ " «> much," 

^THP^ " as much as." 

But the affixes mat and vat imply possession, and thus naturally 
pass over into the idea of manner. It seems that we have in 
the modern group this affix added to the ordinary range of 
pronominal types, and thus a formation of a later kind, rather 
than a direct derivation from the Skr. Kellogg' s suggestion of 
a derivation from a Skr. series in tha, of which only ittham and 
katham are extant in the classical writings, fails to account for 



the Old-Purbi and G. forms, as well as for those in B. and O. 
Also the S. form f^ff seems to be more naturally referred to an 
earlier emana, through enan, than to ittharn, unless, indeed, we 
regard the anusw&ra as inserted to fill the hiatus left by elision 
of tth. S. does, undoubtedly, insert anusw&ra to fill a hiatus ; 
but as the cognate languages have a H just where the anusw&ra 
in S. occurs, it is more natural to regard the one as a weakening 
of the other, and the final anusw&ra in H. and P. as the same, 
pushed one syllable forwards, so that H. wff would be for an 
older form flfc. As the change, whatever it was, was com- 
pleted before our earliest writer Chand's days, there is no 
actual proof forthcoming. 

§ 82. Adverbs derived from nouns and verbs. — Under this 
head may be classed certain words such as those given in 
Vol. II. p. 296, which are either postpositions or adverbs, 
according to the connection in which they are used. In either 
case they are, by derivation, locative cases of nouns. Some are 
peculiar to one or two languages, while others are common, in 
one form or another, to the whole group. I do not, of course, 
undertake to give them all, but only a selection of those most 
commonly used, so as to show the practice of the languages in 
this respect. There are, for instance, H. HT% " before," and 
xft$ "behind," which are used adverbially in the sense of 
" formerly " and " afterwards " respectively, that is, with 
reference to time, and in this sense take, like the pronominal 
adverbs, the case-affixes, as ^n% qft TRT "the former matter," 
lit. "the matter of formerly," xft$ % 519 Sf *#*R *Tft "I 
will not tell the suffering that followed," lit. "the suffering 
of afterwards." So also with ^t% "below," and the other 
words given at Vol. II. p. 296. 

Strictly referring to time definite are H. JR* "to-day," 
P. wm, S. ^j, etc. (Vol. I. p. 327), from Skr. TO; also 
H. qre from Skr. TOt "dawn." This word has two meanings, 


it is used for both " yesterday " and " to-day." In rustic H. 
we have the forms WTW, Hlfff, *lff, and ^|*f (see Vol. I. 
p. 350). As the Skr. means only "dawn" in general, it is 
used in the moderns in the double sense, but in cases where the 
meaning might not be clear from the context, a word meaning 
past is employed when "yesterday" is intended, and a word 
meaning future when " to-morrow " is implied. It also takes 
case-affixes, as qRT qft WTT^ 5jf ^TRJW 1HW "He was wounded in 
yesterday's battle," but *« *t W¥TT ^ *fi[ ^TRW W*TT "HI 
shall be wounded in to-morroufs battle." G. *T%, S. TOf> 

So also are used the following : — Skr. IT^HR^ " the day after 
to-morrow." In the moderns it has also the sense "the day 
before yesterday," as H. m^ff , and dialects IK<!Y, ^T^ft, vtft. 
P. M<ii1, S. itftt, Mf(({<it> seem to be used only in the first 
meaning. Gk tT^T, M, TRTfT. 0. has ij^ always in combi- 
nation with f^if, and where the sentence does not of itself 
sufficiently indicate the meaning, they add the words " gone " 
and " coming " to express it more clearly, TOT VK t^ " *^ e 
day before yesterday," and WtftfT IT t^f "^ e d*y *&&* 

H. goes a step further still, and has *H*fif " three days ago," 
or "three days hence," where the first syllable is probably 
Skr. fa " three." Similarly S. Iffaj, but also with rejection of 
initial JT, ^Vf^t* Kellogg quotes dialectic forms in H. WK4J1, 
IT^f, IT^f . In H. we have even a still further il^ft " four 
days ago," which is rarely, however, used, and the initial of 
which, I conjecture, comes from ^W, as though it were for 
VJ AMlT " another day (besides) three days ago." 

H. ^^ "early," "betimes," and Vfa, or more usually ^nfaC 
" late," are Skr. H and ^, compounded with %^7 respectively. 
S. ^^ and ^%T, also ^ftw> besides the adjectivally used forms 
?p|^t and BTfTt, as well as ^*ft. In this sense is also used 
H. TOI%> TO1^> 0. and B. id.; in O. it is frequently used in 


the sense of "early in the morning," also "early to-morrow 
morning," as *nf* *T* ^Tf^ ff| ¥*T% f*$ " To-day we 
shall not be able to go, we will go early to-morrow morning." 
H. here uses 1T1%> conjunctive participle of 1FPVT "to break," 
as we should say "at break of day;" also iffT "dawn" 
is used in H. and 0., H^ in B. for " at dawn ; " where GK has 
qTYTHJt, M. ^frt (Skr. ^^ "sunrise"). Common also is Skr. 
IHTft* B. id., GK XT^HT?f> of which the Oriyas make tTT|Tit "at 
dawn;" in Eastern Bengal one hears *TOT. The H. iftT w 
probably connected with the Skr. ^VR in some way not very 
clear. GK has a curious word Udb4l3i "at dawn," probably 
connected with TG5% " to meet," and, like Skr. ^TOT, indi- 
cating the meeting of darkness and light. 

"Rapidly," "quickly," "at once." — This idea is expressed 
by derivatives of the Skr. ^fP£, principally from the p.p.p. 
Wf\fl*^, which is used adverbially already in Skr. The forms 
are: H. g<fl, M. ^, Gh ij^f, *TT*f, wfhf, S. g$, 0. B. Tflfl, 
Wfi^f. M. has a peculiar word KTOT " a * once, quickly," 
Skr. w* (i/W "to cut") "a minute," M. l^tT "to flash, 
twitch, move quickly." It is not found in any other language. 
Commoner, however, is H. fj£ " quick ! " reduplicated IfOTZ, 
M. K^OT, S. Hfiqfi and <*fCTfz, O. 1&, QZTC, B. Jfft, 
from Skr. IfftfTT. " Immediately " is also expressed in M. by 
TTWTW, 0. and B. Ifl^ ^HT*0 but these are pedantic. H. P. If. 
and S. have also a word ^TOTTO ; H. also ^Tt^l " suddenly," 
"unexpectedly," corresponding to which is GK mi*ffi, ^tfalft* 
pointing to a derivation from ^| and v^f^ntj "to think," though 
I am disposed also to remember Skr. ^U^H, H. ^ffa, in this 
connection. 0. and B. use ^TR^, literally ablative of Skr. f3, 
meaning "by force." It is used generally of sudden and 
forcible action, but also in sentences where no force, only sur- 
prise, or a sudden fright, occurs. Similarly in H. and G. 
ipiTlgqi " all of a sudden," M. ipinpiY, are used. 

Among adverbs of place, considerable divergences exist, each 


language having a large stock of words peculiar to itself, in 
addition to those which are common to the whole group. 
Sindhi is rich in words of this class, most of which are of some- 
what obscure origin. Thus we find a small group with the 
typical ending in ^, as ^ITft "opposite," ^ft^t "near," 
^flfoO" diminutive of the preceding. Peculiar to S. is also 
^ift "near," with its diminutive %fij^t. *nft "accompanied 
by," 0. *TOT, is by Trumpp referred to Skr. m% " with," and 
?Tlff "near," to ?iff7f, probably correctly. See the remarks 
on the postposition % in Vol. II. p. 274, and on the Nepali 
ablative in f*nf, Vol. II. p. 235. From adverbs with the 
affixes "UHft and HT^t are formed certain adjectives which may, 
in their turn, be again used adverbially as well as adjectively, 
that is, they may either stand alone uninflected, or may agree 
with a substantive in gender and number. Thus — 

Wt^ "o n this Bide," ^THlfY " somewhat on this side." 

^aTPl "in front," WHff "somewhat in front." 

tftjq " behind/ 9 Ml^fllfl " somewhat behind. 

Jf% " upon," ^F^rnff " somewhat higher up. 

4$ "in," *ITft) 

^ J " somewhat inside." 


This last word recalls the old poetic Hindi *njTT usec ^ ^ 
Ghand (see Vol. II. p. 293). They may also take the feminine 
ending ^ITfY, as ^mft 9 *HTnpf. ! 

Simple ablatives or locatives of nouns are also used ad- 



_ t " from behind," abl. of ifa " the rear." 

Tff^rf " from behind," „ jft " the back." 

1 Trumpp, Sindhi Grammar, p. 886. 


?rat " from upon," abl. of Jfsft " the bead." 

7T% id. locof id. 

m^ " at all, " „ *rT5j " place/' 

TrfX " completely/' „ *R[ " capital/' " stock-in-trade/ 

J^'S 1 "*• abl. of i& 

^nff^ " before," loc. of Ifl^ " beginning." 

*H^t id. abl. of u& 

trr^ " on the other side," loc. of TTP* " the other side/' 

MHj "from the other side," abl. of id. 

*t^ " within," loc of ^h^H u the inside." 

^^ ' " from within," abl. of id. 


ftft " in the midst," loc of f^ " the midst." 

V ** " at all," „ f^ " the core." 

^% " below," „ ^ " the bottom." 

\3\ "from below," abl. of id. 

Sindhi thus preserves the case-endings more strictly than the 
other languages. The latter mostly take the Prakrit locative, 
or ablative, and entirely reject the terminations. 

Hindi has V^f " elsewhere," Skr. ^raTf, f^niZ " near," also 
%^ (dialectically i^ and if 5 ^") ; H^ " on the other side," *f|*H 
"within," Skr. tjpra^, TrffT, WTfT "outside," Skr. ^ff^, 
and others. 

M., like S., has <Rrft> but in the sense of "before," also tjtt 
" before," 1TOT9 " beyond," fr^ " above," K*OS " near," which 
are peculiar to itself. In the other languages there is nothing 
deserving special mention ; the subject has already been treated 
in Vol. II. p. 296. 

Adverbs of manner. — While the adverbs of place, being also, 
in their nature, postpositions, and as such used to form cases, do 
not call for special mention, adverbs of manner are not so used, 


and it is to them that the term adverb, in its more special 
sense, correctly applies. Such words as dge "before," ptchhe 
" behind," and the others, may, indeed, be properly regarded 
as adverbs when they are used alone, but when in conjunction 
faith nouns, they become true postpositions, giving to the rela- 
tions of the noun a more extended application. Adverbs of 
manner, on the other hand, are, for the most part, adjectives 
used adverbially, and this practice is common in all Aryan 
languages. In Sindhi, which preserves distinctions obliterated 
in the other languages, adjectives may, as pointed out above, be 
used adverbially by being undeclined, or, in their true use as 
adjectives, by agreeing with the subject in gender and case. 
Thus, to quote the instances given by Trumpp : l 

"By chance one mouse made a hole near that granary." 

Here ochitoA is an adjective in the nom. sing. masc. with 
emphatic I, and although by the accident of the construction it 
is in the same case as the subject hue " a mouse," yet it is evi- 
dently used adverbially. 

flfinflf ** n^ wnr ^nft ftt; nr* iRiHRi 

" Then having shed tears much, having wept much, his mother 


Here ghano is an adjective in the nom. sing, masc., and 
clearly does not agree with m&u " mother," which is feminine ; 
it must be regarded as used adverbially. 

" The winds strike hot, the days burn fiercely." 

In this sentence I do not think we should regard the 
adjectives as used adverbially ; ^ft " winds," is a noun in the 
nom. pi. fern, and qftflrct " hot " agrees with it, bo also tfff 

i Siadhi Grammar, p. 386, 


" days/' is nom. sing. masc. and TT¥T " fierce, excessive " (Skr. 
^l), agrees with it ; so that we might more literally translate, 
" the hot winds strike, the fierce days burn." 

In Marathi and Oujarati also, where adjectives have the 
full range of three genders, they are often made to agree with 
the noun in constructions, where in English they would be used 
adverbially. When intended to be adverbially used, they stand 
in the nom. sing, neuter, ending inlfc M. and ^ Gh In Bengali 
and Oriya, where no gender exists, it is impossible to draw the 
same line of distinction, and this remark applies also to that 
numerous class of adjectives in Hindi and Panjabi, as also in 
all the other languages, which are indeclinable, or which, ending 
in mute a, do not vary their terminations. Those adjectives in 
H. and P. which end in & masc. and i fern., when used ad- 
verbially, stand in the f ormer gender and do not vary with 
the noun. 

§ 83. Conjunctions. — In Hindi the common word for " and " 
is ^rffa;, Old-H. V|, VR;, from Skr. ftR; " other." In B. 
and 0. it loses the final consonant, B. ^t, O. ^TO. In B., 
however, ipf, pronounced ebong, is very common; and ^If^ 
" also." P. t^R, often shortened into ft, probably from Skr. 
^fit "at the end," "afterwards," as well as ^^ (^PPC). 
S. Wt, '%t> \ or T> ^ w hi°h the fondness of S. for the 
i-sound comes out. Gk uses generally IfETT literally "then." 
It has besides H and ^ft for " also," which belong to the group 
from VIT- Gk ^flif, shortened it, I am disposed to connect 
with P.^nt, and ascribe to Skr. ^fii. In the former case the 
U has been lost, in the latter the if. It may, however, be 
allied to M. WfilT, ^RPft " and," from Skr. ^J " other." In 
all the languages, however, the shorter conjunction tf is in use, 
side by side with the words given above. The ordinary Skr. 
^ has left no descendants. The Gipsies use te or to, which 
agrees with P., also u, which is Persian J. 





" Also."— H. «ft 9 Skr. i*ft ft, Pr. ft ft . The various steps 
from ^rfq downwards are all retained in S. ft, ft, ft (for 
ftft ), and *ft. The other forms tpj, tjft, ftft> are from Skr. 
uip^ "again," and show a gradual change from the u to the t, in 
accordance with S. proclivities. P. i|T§& means literally " near 
to," locative of WR5 "near." G. XRJ, meaning also "but," is 
from 3*T^» B. uses ^ft, and 0. ft. 

" But " is very frequently expressed even in Hindi by the 

Arabic words %ftm { J^ t TOft *-£^j, and Persian *RTC j** ; 
and in the other languages also. Pure Sanskrit are vt^f an< ^ 
ftpg, as well as ^IJ (Skr. *cty. In Hindi ij^ (Skr. ir() is 
also used, and in P., which also uses ViT> and a strange form 
T^tr^, in the initial syllable of which we may recognize an in- 
corporation of the near demonstrative pronoun, so that it means 
"rather than this." P. has also 7PPTt> *PfT> probably cor- 
ruptions of J** . Peculiar to P. and S. are the forms P. ^t, 

S. ^TT, f$t, and emphatic f^T^t an< ^ VWf^ "but rather." 
These are ablatives from f^J, and the idiom may be paralleled 
by our English phrase " on the other hand." S. has also q^ 
" but," and XfHJ, in which latter it agrees with Gk It also uses 
JWf\> having added a final i to iU. G. and M., in addition 
to tRf, use also incg, 0. ftRI and ij^, B. ftpj and *f<. 

" Or." — H. U, ^ram, which are Skr., with *r for q. The 
Arabic TR b is very common, and commoner still is ft, 
probably shortened from Skr. ft^T. This ft is colloquially 
common in nearly all the languages. G. writes it %, where 
e is short. M. lengthens the vowel and retains the nasalization 
^f , also using W*fT> as does G. P. %, W*fT> and T(\. S. % 
and qft. B. uses several varieties of ftfaT, as ftviT, ftfT, ft, 
and Wt, also ^ram* O. the same. 

" If." — Skr. *rf^, generally pronounced and written ^|fi[, is 
universal. H. shortens it into ^ and % ( = W^, with loss of 
^0 and 9Jt, by rejection of final i, and ^ goes out, its place 


being supplied by ^ and *; thus*^=W*=**=*t. Persian 
^fiPC j^ is also very common. P. % and 3Nrc\ This last in- 
troduces ^p^ for jrf^ " having done. " S. %. 

" Although."— Skr. ip^ft is used in B. 0., also in H., but 
more common is *ft *ft "if even." P. has Iffqf , literally " one 
may think/' or "it may seem." B. also uses 3tfi[ ^ft "if 
even." S. *ft%, *ft%> sometimes with % prefixed, % ?ft%; 
this, too, is literally " if even," for |ft% alone is used to mean 
"either," "even," and is apparently really the correlative ift 
(Tf9=1ff^) with a diminutive affix. It is not found in the 
other languages. G. tft tRU "but if." In all cases there is a 
correlative; thus to H. *ft or *ft *ft answers jft or jft aft 
"then," or "even then;" to P. ijfi| answers 9ft aft; to G. *ft 
H7JT, answers iff xjnj, and so in alL In B. and 0., as in written 
H., the correlative is Skr. TOTfil " yet." 

" Because." — H. f ^P% literally " for why." B. and O. use 
Skr. ^TTUT "cause," and % fij or % %ipi. G. wfz 9 probably 
Skr. ?nf^%, which is also sometimes used in 0. in the sense of 
" only," " merely," " for the simple reason that." G. has also 
%ff% " for why," and shorter qrf%. S. %Wt, %^t> where the 
last syllable is for WT^ " * or " (^ ^°1- H. p. 260). S. also uses 
a string of forms with t£f "whyp" as WFXt> W HH> and 
*ft TH* Wt 'it- Th e correlatives " therefore," etc., take the if 
form ?NTT" etc." 

These instances may suffice to show the general principles on 
which the languages proceed in forming their conjunctions. 
There is, as in other respects, a general similarity of process, 
accompanied by variations of development. 

§ 84. Interjections. — The various spontaneous or involun- 
tary sounds, some of them hardly articulate, by which sudden 
emotions are expressed, are scarcely susceptible of rigid scien- 
tific analysis in any language. Everywhere we find ha ! ho ! 
or ah I oh ! and the like* Surprise, fear, disgust, delight, and 


other sentiments are often displayed by grunts, shakes, turns 
of the head, or movements of the hands, and among the people 
of India the hands play so large a part in conversation that 
they may almost be said to speak for themselves. It is only 
the Englishman who can converse with his hands in his 

Li Hindi the principal interjections atfe %, ^t, ^nft, ^t 
" Ho ! " or "Oh ! " ^ is used to superiors, as % wtTOTPC " 
incarnation of justice ! " which is the common method of ad- 
dressing a Magistrate or Judge, % n*j " O Lord ! " % ftRTT " 
father ! " ^ft, ^nft, and ^ft, have no special tone of respect or 
disrespect. Sorrow is shown by ^H, ^ITf* Tnt, fT fT> ^*W 
" alas ! " whence the common cry of native suitors, or persons 
applying to a ruler for redress, «^tfTH literally " twice alas ! " 
One often hears dohde khuddwand, doh&e Angrez Bah&dur, 
which is as much as to say " grant me justice," or " listen to 
my complaint." Others are fif fif " fie ! " ^q " hush ! " ^Jf , 
^ftf " ah ! " a cry of pain ; ^ ^ disgust ; ffl *t^> an 
expression with a suspicion of indelicacy about it, like too 
many of the native ejaculations, meaning "begone," and at 
times with a menacing tone " how dare you P " I suspect the 
word now spelt ^7f was originally ^£ from ^3*IT "to go away," 
" be stopped," and 5hft the feminine genitive of H "thou,", is 
explained by such filthy expressions as %?ft i|T " thy mother." 
Two men are quarrelling, and one says to the other " &h, terf 
m&," " oh thy mother." The person addressed at once under- 
stands that some gross and filthy insult to his mother is in- 
tended, for indiscriminate foul abuse of each other's female 
relations is a favourite weapon with the natives of India. 
Thus the innocent word CTWT or ^TWT " brother-in-law," has 
become the lowest term of abuse in these languages, the obscene 
imagination of the people immediately grasping the idea in- 
volved in this assumption of relationship. 

Panjabi has mostly the same as Hindi. A very favourite 

tol. m. 18 


interjection of surprise with Panjabis, though it is also used by 
the other languages, is m%, and doubled *n^ *TC* ^ e simple- 
minded Panjabi says " wah ! wah ! " to every new thing he 
sees, and this favourite exclamation helps to form the once 
terrible war-cry of the fighting Sikhs, " tcdh wdh ! fatih 

All the other languages have these common interjections, 
several of which are also Persian or Arabic more or less cor- 
rupted. Thus the Persian ^ib dU» shdd bdsh, " be joyful !" is 
used everywhere as a term of encouragement, "well done!" 
and is used to stimulate workers to increased efforts, to express 
approbation, or to kindle flagging courage. It appears mostly 
without the J, as shab&sh, shab&she, sab&s, according to the 
language in which it is used. 

A few special remarks are due to a very widespread word 
which is claimed by the Non- Aryan writers, ^|%, ^|^ or ^. 
This is used to call inferiors, to rebuke impertinence, in scold- 
ing or quarrelling, and in most languages takes also a feminine 
form w€t, vft, ^t« D*. Caldwell shows 1 that this word is 
also in use in the Dravidian group, and is there understood to 
mean "O slave!" Hemachandra, however (ii, 201), knows 
it as used in addressing (sambhashane), and in dalliance 
(ratikalahe). For reproach (kshepe) he prescribes f^. I do 
not dispute the Non- Aryan origin of this word, but it must 
have found its way into Aryan speech at a very early date, and 
has there, to a great extent, lost its sense of rebuke, for it is 
often used merely to call attention, and in friendly conde- 
scension to an inferior, and there has sprung up beside it a 
form vfit, used also in the same tone. The interchange of ^ 
and ^ need cause no difficulty, being, especially in early 
writers, extremely common. There does not appear to be 
any Sanskrit origin for this word, and the fact that in the 

1 Dravidian Comparatiye Grammar, p. 440 (first edition). 


Dravidian group it can be traced to a definite meaning, is one 
which carries great weight. 

In O. and B. ^ is only used in calling males ; when address- 
ing females, O. uses lit, and B. if\. Thus O. W lit, TT 
TOF($ ftfflT " Come along, mother, let us go to the bazar ; " 
B. fip)^i) \tft ^Hf 'ft ITpf " The lady entreats, ' hear me, oh 
my mother'" (Bh&rat, Vid.-S. 338). lft> ^ftwt are also used 
in B. in contempt or reproof. Both these words seem to be 
fragments of iftift* from Skr. jiff* in the sense of "person," 
the word ^ffl or Wt*TT^ being used to indicate the women of 
the speaker's family, and especially his wife, whom it is not 
considered proper to speak of directly. 

§ 85. It is necessary to revert to the subject of postpositions, 
although they were partially discussed in Vol. II. p. 295, 
because in that place they were regarded in only one of their 
two aspects, namely, as factors in the declensional system. 
Here they must be looked at as parts of speech, corresponding 
to prepositions in the western Aryan languages. 

In Hindi, in addition to the postpositions mentioned in 
Vol. II., may be cited as very common the following, some of 
which are also used as adverbs. Thus WlflPC " without " (Skr. 
*rf^0 is used as a postposition with the genitive case, as ^TT % 
WlflPC " outside the house/' or even without the genitive sign, 
as fl[TT WrfljT " outside the door." So also XfT^ " across," " on 
the other side of," is very commonly used with the direct form 
of the noun in the phrase if^t VKX " across the river," " on the 
other side of the river." So also ?fifcf "with," "accompanied 
by/' as Vjt 4IIJtfl ?fifc! " accompanied by his peers and pala- 
dins," the meaning of the postposition from ^R^ + ^VT + ^ 
requires this construction. 

4ta "in," "in the middle of," ft^ "at the end of" (Skr. 
ftjTSO, *% "near to," "at the house of" (Skr. *qf), 4* 
"with," fT* "hy means of," ft "at," "at the house of" 


(Skr. WT%), ! are also colloquially common, both with and with- 
out the sign of the genitive, but more frequently with it. 

Panjabi has qftdb "near," literally, "in the bosom of," qftdbf 
"from the side of," ft^ "in," which is the regular sign of the 
locative, XfTT "on the other side," and iflT ^TT " on b°th sides" 
(of a river, valley, etc.), as well as the Hindi words given above. 

The postpositions in Sindhi are more numerous, and are 
divided, more clearly than in the other languages, into two 
classes, those which are added direct to the oblique form of the 
noun, and those which are added to the genitive. Of the 
first class are HT or HfT "on," "leaning on" (Skr. VFO, 
where in H. HT rather means " full," as ^fftf HT " a full kos ; " 
lftf% and cftftf " U P to," which Trumpp regards as an emphatic 
locative from lit* "end;" Sit, Ufa, *ffa, fanfc, "like" (Skr. 
1WT) ; ▼t, *tW» % "towards," with an ablative form Y%\ 
" from the direction of " (perhaps from Skr. f^*^) ; ^, fk^ f 
"without" (Skr. ^) ; *t, *rn§,%, fty "with " (Skr. **; cf. 

S. ^Krf " along with," H. ^CT and ^p*T " with," O. ;prr or 
*ff ^p*T "together with," "all taken together," from Skr. 
^rNfo> according to Trumpp and others, but the O. usage 
seems to refer rather to Skr. ^pf, in the sense of ^taw " com- 

S. tfNT "up to," "till" (Skr. *fon), P. tff and ?ft*, ap- 
pears occasionally to be used as a postposition, and one or two 
others of less importance complete the list. 

1 Platte (Grammar, p. 195), from whom I take this list, is the first writer to gire 
the real origin and meaning of this word, which I, in common with most of my 
countrymen, had hitherto confounded with yahftn " here." There was no need for 
Platte to he so very dogmatic and arrogant about this and one or two similar smaU 
discoveries. He should try to bear the weight of his stupendous erudition more 
meekly. We may he thankful, however, to him for condescending to make a few 
mistakes occasionally, to bring himself down to our level. Such are the remarkable 
bit of philology in note 1, page 164, and his remarks on the intransitive in notes to 
pp. 171> 174% He who undertakes to correct others, should be quite sure he is right 
himself first. 



Of the second class are ^fTUt* T^J, *T"ff "without/ 1 P. 
WHJ, ITlfT *rf. This rather means " owing to the absence of/' 
as in the passage quoted by Trumpp, ifpf ^f^f WH %^f 
^nr Wnft ?ftlf ^ "Then they were considered by the hero- as 
thorns in the absence of his friend." It is probably connected 
with Skr. V^V in the sense of being bound or impeded. t^RT 
" without " (Skr. fifWT), is also common in H. P. B. and O. 
In M. "pfifTj and O. ftfifT and ^mt (mnd, wand). 

S. WT^ and ^f " for the sake of," correspond to H. P. ftli}, 
and are used like it, either with or without the genitive par- 
ticle ; but in S. the meaning is the same in both cases, while in 
H. it differs ; thus ^f ftli} " for that reason/ 9 but ^TO % flRfr 
" for the sake of him." 

While in the other languages the postpositions, when not 
used as case-signs, are almost invariably joined to the genitive 
with the masculine oblique case-sign, in Sindhi they may take 
the ablative or accusative. Thus ^ITt " in front," may take 
the accusative. It is probably like O. ^R^t "in the first 
place," or with a negative ^R^t *l " not at all," " at no time ; " 
thus 1 <Rfift %ft 1WT iff literally "to begin with, he did not go 
there," that is to say, " he never went there at all," locative 
of Skr. ynf% "beginning." 

*m\ "within," Skr. ^J7T^> but more probably from Persian 
til- ^frtt" near to," VTTt " apart, without," ^T% "for the 
sake of," contracted from ^TTTJh 1% "upon," loc. of *nft 
"head," qffi "like to," ^fjt "near to," are also used in the 
same way. 

In Marathi, besides the postpositions which are exclusively 
employed in forming cases, there are some which are added 
direct to the oblique form of the noun, and others which 
require the genitive case-sign. 

Of the former kind are ^ "on" (Skr. ^qf^), which is 
generally written as one word with the noun, as ^TCWT " on 


the house," U4|j<K "till to-morrow." A longer form is ^?IT> 
which is declined as an adjective, generally meaning "up." 
Others are ^f^T " out," wftl " in," *% " at," H^f "by means 
of," ^iTO " without," ftrroY " about," " concerning," literally 
"in the matter (of)," wf*f "behind," "formerly," ijjf "before," 
" in future," ^TTWf " under." 

There is nothing specially worthy of note in the remaining 
languages which do not vary from Hindi very widely, either in 
the words they use, or in the manner of using them. 

§ 86. The survey of the seven languages is here ended; the 
thinness of matter and illustration, in some respects, is due to 
the want of material, the difficulty of procuring books, and the 
absence of persons who might be consulted. Others, who enjoy 
greater advantages in these respects, will, in future times, 
supplement and supersede much that is defective and erroneous 
in this outline. Amru'lkais sings — 



The Roman numeral indicates the volume, and the Arabic 
numeral the page. Only those words are here given which 
form the subject of some discussion, or illustrate some rule* A 
hyphen before a word indicates that it is a termination. 

Note. — When the anusw&ra precedes a strong consonant, it 
is not the nasal breathing, but the nasal letter of the varga of 
that consonant, and is therefore the first element in a mixed 
nexus. It must be looked for at the end of each varga. 

-aii?, ii. 167 

aiiQ&, i. 193 

agin, ii. 311 

anvala, i. 254 ; ii. 29 

axis, ansu (ansa), ii. 174 

ansfi, ansfin (a$ru), i. 357; ii. 

-anhi, ii. 223 
anhri, i. 134 
-ak, ii. 29, HI 
aka, ii. 345 
aka& ii. 102 
akacjait, ib. 
akatar, ii. 346 
akat£, ib. 
akara, i. 260 

akavka, ii. 345 

akkh, i. 309 ; ii. 173 

akshi, ib. 

akhi, ib. 

agaru, agare, ii. 296 

agaro, ib. ii. 101 

agajd, ib. 

agaii, ii. 296 

agi&r, i. 260 ; ii. 134 

agio, ii. 296 

agon, i. 172 

agunts, ii. 136 

agfiniko, ii. 115 

agg, aggi, agi (agni), i. 300; ii. 

52, 218 
agg&ii, agg&du, ii 297 
agra, ii. 288, 296 



agla, ii. 101 

ank, ii. 120 

anka(Jt, ib, 

ank&y iii. 68 

ankfir, ii. 232 

ankhaijt, ii. 120 

ankhi, ii. 173 

ang, ii. 121 

angana, ii. 17 

angara, i. 129 ; ii. 289 

angiya, ii. 121 

angurijanu, iii. 71 

angnll, i. 134 

anglalutno, ii. 288 

acharaj, i. 136, 349 

acharat, ib. 

acho, achchho, achchha, ii. 12 

t/achh, achchh (as), iii. 180 

achh&ni, ii. 80 % 

achchhario, achchhero, ii. 286 

achhi, iii. 185 

aju> aj], ajja, i. 327 

anjali, i. 252 

anjhn, i. 357 

-at, ii. 67 

atak, ii. 31, 51 

a^akna, ib. 

ata, atari, ii. 120 

atka, ii. 63 

atkana, ii. 31 

atkelo, atkhelo, ii. 96 

atth, i- 315 ; ii. 183 

atthi (asthi), i. 317 

attharah, ii. 134 

athayanuk, ii. 44 

athat, athals, i. 253 

ath&yan, ii. 141 

acjana, a^anen, ii. 20 

a4at, acjatya, ii. 53, 88 

a^aranuk, ii. 44 

acjahan, ii. 134 

a<Jiyel, ii. 96 

a<Jt, a41ch, ii. 144 

aghat (arhat), ii. 53 

agnail, ii. 96 

atfhat (arhai), ii. 144 

adhar, ii. 134 

-an, ii. 166 

an<Ja, ancjen (an^a), ii. 8 

andada, ii. 120 

-at] iii. 123 

ataad, i. 130, 179 

-atu, ii. 63 

adhasta, ii. 298 

adhu, adhe, ii. 12 

addha, ii. 12 

-an, ii. 165 

-ana, ii. 15 

ani (anya), i. 341 

antar, antarun (antra), ii. 174 

-ando, iii. 123 

andhakara, andher&, i. 299 

andha, andhaja, ii. 12 

andhapanu, ii. 73 

-anh, ii. 206 

annha, ii. 12 

annhera, ii. 299 

apachchhar (apsaras), i. 309 

apupa, i. 179 

apna, ii. 329 

ab, ii. 336 

abhyantare, i. 182 

abhra, ii. 21 

amangala, i. 252 

amaro (-re, -ri), ii. 345 

ame, ii. 807 

amen, ii 302, 308 

amo, ib. 

amb, amb&, ambu, i. 342 ; ii. 21 

ambavanl, ii. 127 

ambiyfc, ii. 21 

ambhe, i. 262 



amhe, amhan, etc. (forms of 1 
pers. pron. pi.), ii. 802 

-amhi, ii. 223 

-aya, i. 140, 204 

-ar (genitive), ii. 276, 280 

aranya, L 179 

aratti, arattutno, ii. 28£ 

arahat, aratu (araghatta), i. 

archi, i. 818 

arna, i. 841 

ardha, ii. 12 

aliam (alika), i. 149 

alsi, i. 130 

aya, i. 178, 204 

avaka, ii. 345 

avasthana, i. 178 

avalambana, i. 252 

avac^yaya, i. 856 

avalo, ii. 73 

avin, ii. 311 

avijano, iii. 72 

avgo, avgutno, ii. 288 

acj (a^lti), ii. 137 

ashtau, i. 315 ; ii. 133 

ashtada^a, ii. 134 

y^ae, iii. 171 

asa, ii. 302 

asacja, ii. 313 

asl, ii. 137 

asin, ii. 302 

ase (as), iii. 184 

asnan, ii. 17 

asthi, i. 317 

-ahan, ii. 220 

ahai, ahahi, iii 173 

-ahi, ii. 221 

ahtn, ii. 311 

ahir, i. 268 

-ahun, ii. 220 

ahv&n, ii. 311 


a, ii. 318, 336 

Va, ate, as, iii. 45 

ain, ii. 205 

-ai'n, font, ii. 80, 169 

-ain, ii. 166 

aisa\, i. 158 

-ait, ii. 104 

aula, aola, ii. 29 

an, ii. 802 

anin, ii. 811 

&nun, ii. 302 

&non, ii. 113 

anv, i. 254 ; ii. 173 

anvala, i. 254 ; ii. 29 

anviro, i. 254 

ansu, i. 357 

anhln, ii. 336 

aku,"i. 310 

akhacju, i. 259 

akhu, i. 310 

ag, &gun, agi, (agni), i. 300 ; ii. 

52, 191, 207, 209, 218 
agal, agali, ii. 101 
aga, i. 142 
agia, agya (ajna), i. 303; ii. 159, 

agion, ago, age, i. 296 
auk, iii. 68 
ankh, i. 309 ; ii. 173 
angan, anganu, ii. 17 
achhe, i. 215, 218; iii. 185 
aj, aji, i. 327 
ajikara, ii. 279 
anch, i. 318 
anju, i. 357 
-at, ii. 65, 67 
a* (ashtau), ii. 133 
afalo, ii. 336 
k\h (ashtau), i. 315 ; ii. 133 



atbais, i. 253 

&thara, ii. 184 

athun, ii. 247 

-atho, ii. 114 

a^al, ii. 144 

adat, adhat (fifhat), ii. 53 

an, an (v 7 ^) iii- 44 

aniko, ii. 115 

ancja, ii. 8 

-a'ti, ii. 105 

atman, i. 830 ; ii. 76, 828 

adp9, i. 158 

adba, ii. 12 

-an, ii. 69 

ano, ii. 8 

ant, ii. 110 

antacha, ft. 

-ando, iii. 123 

andbajo, ii. 12, 73 

<v/ap, app, iii. 41 

ap, apan, apana (atman), i. 830 ; 

ii. 828 
&pala, ii. 330 
&pas, ii. 380, 348 
apelo (apitfa), i. 156, 196 
abh, ii. 21 
am, i. 342; ii. 219 
-amani, ii. 70 
amara, i. 54 ; ii. 302 
ami, ii. 54 ; ii. 302 
-ami, ii. 77 

amba, ambo, i. 342 ; ii. 21 
ambatan, ii. 127 
amhaj amhi, ii. 302, 308 
ay a, iii. 16 
-ax, -ara, -am, ii. 94 
-al, -alu, ii. 90, 94 
-aia, iii. 142 

aiaya, i. 182 ; ii. 10, 93, 98 
&y, iii. 44 
-ay, ii. 63 

-4vat, ii. 69 

ayatto, i. 884 

-ayan, ii. 69 

-ayo, ii. 336 

fyt, ii. 137 

a^harya, i. 136, 344 ; ii. 286 

ashadha, i. 259 

asara, asiro (a^raya), i. 182, 357 ; 

ii. 10. 
-ahat, ii. 65 
-ahi, ii. 213 
-abin, ahun, ii. 220 
abe (Vas), iii. 172 
ahecj, aber, i. 266 
-abo, ii. 213 
-al, -alu, ii. 90 
a)okb, ii. 104 

i, ib, ii. 317, 319, 329, 336 

-ia, -io, iii. 138 

iun, iii. 262 

ik, ikk, ii. 131 

-ika, ii. 83, 34, 111, 156 

ikacje, ii. 146 

-ik&, ii. 164 

ikabat, ii. 141 

iksbu, i. 135, 218, 310 

igaraba, ii. 184 

igyarabvan, ii. 248 

ingalo, (angara), i. 129, 250 

ingianno (ingitajna), 302 

inam, L 156 

inanam, ii. 335 

-ino, ii. 114 

it, itai, iii. 260 

-ita, ii. 102 

iti, i. 180, 196 

ittbe, ii. 336, 346 



itthi, itihika (stri), i. 363 

itn&, ii. 336 

idhar, ii. 336 

-in, -ini, ii. 153, 164 

-ini, ii. 84 

imi, iii. 262 

imli, i. 134 

-iya, ii. 84, 88, 156 

iyanam, i. 186 

-iru, ii. 113 

-il, ii. 94, 95 

-ila, -ila, iii. 134 

ilsi, i. 180 

iva, i. 180 


i, ii. 317, 336 

-1, ii. 83 

-to, ii. 83, 89 

-in, ii. 223 

Ina, ii. 836 ; iii. 264 

Ikh, i. 310 

-In, ii. 170, 231 

-bio, ii. 114 

-Indo, iii. 123 

-lya, ii. 84, 85, 156 

-iro, ii. 97 

-il, -ila, -ilo, ii. 95, 97, 98 

isara (i9vara), i. 358 

-ihi, ii. 215, 218 

U, ii. 98 


n, ii. 318, 336 
-ua, -n&, ii. 39 
uajjhaao, i. 328 
-uka, ii. 35, 112 
ukhan^ijanu, iii. 71 

tig, ugg, ngav (Vudgam), i. 294 ; 

iii. 39 
ugar (udgara), i. 179 
ugal, ugalhni, ib. 
uchakkft, ii. 72 
uchai, uchchai, ii. 79 
uchan, ii. 80 
uchcha, ii. 13 
nchchhu (ikshu), i. 135, 146, 

218, 310 
uja<Jn&, ujatju, ii. 36 
uncha, ii. 13 
unchaf, ii. 122 
unchai, ii. 79 

uth (Vuttha) i. 294 ; iii. 40, 83 
ufhu, ii. 87, 92 
u<J (ur, yucfti), u<Jir, iii. 44 
u^ako, ii. 33 
u<jau, ii. 41, 43 
tujak, ib. 
u^an, ii. 81 
unih, ii. 134 
uncja, ii. 81 
utar jyuttri), iii. 54 
ut&rna, ut&ru, ii. 36 
uti, ii. 336 
-nti, ii. 108 

utthe, L 314 ; ii. 336, 346 
utthon, ii. 346 
utna, ii. 336 
utsava, i. 317 
utsuka, %b. 
uda, ii. 21 

udumbara, i. 133, 180 
udgara, i. 139 
udra, ii. 21 
udvodha, i. 245, 271 
udhar, ii. 836 
udhfilu, ii. 37 
mi, L 843 ; ii. 48 
unaiQ, unis, ii. 134 



unan, unban, ii. 318 

unaja, ii. 93 

uni, ii. 319 

ungall, i. 134 

undir, ii. 231 

unho, i. 347 

upa, i. 200 

upajjbayo (upadbyaya), i. 328 

upano, iii. 141 

upari, ii. 298 

upaviabta, i. 179 ; iii. 38 

uppalam, i. 284 

ubalna, ubaranu (ujjvalana), i. 

ubidako, ii. 33 
ubbarna (udbharana), i. 294 
umrau, ii. 152 
umbaj, i. 347 
urla, ii. 344 
uran, ii. 207, 219 
-ul, -uj, ii. 99, 100 
ulka, i. 180 
ulko, ii. 33 

uvavajjbibiti (t/ u papad)> iii. 20 
us, ii. 318 
ushuii, i. 172 
ushma, i. 172, 347 
ub, ubai, ii. 318, 336 
ubaxjo, ii. 336 


u, ii. 318, 339 
una, ii. 336 
ukh, i. 135, 218, 310 
ungb, ii. 82, 92 
ungbas, unghasa, ii. 82 
unghaju, ii. 92 
uchani, ii. 80 
ucho, ib. 

uncba, ii. 13, 79 
uncbat, ii. 79 
-uniko, ii. 115 
-uno, ii. 114, 115 
-ftndo, ii. 81 
ut,' ii. 21 
-ut, ii. 108 
ud, ii. 21 
un, i. 343 ; ii. 48 
unavu^ati, ii. 134 
unb, i. 347 
upar, ii. 298 
urna, i. 343 
us, i. 218, 310 
-ubi, ii. 215 


jiksba, i. 159, 218, 310 ; ii. 14 

jritu, i. 159 

\/ridb, ii. 53 

jiddba, i. 159 

fisbabba, i. 159 

fisbi, i. 160 


-e, ii. 262 

e, ii. 317, 336 

earaba, i. 260, 243 ; ii. 134 

-en, ii. 262, 271 

eka, ek, eku, ekk, i. 141, 156; 

ii. 130, 245 
eka- (in comp.), i. 253, 259, 288; 

ii. 134, 141 
ekottara, ii. 142 
ekbana, ii. 836 
ekhane, ib. 
egye (age), i. 142 ; ii. 296 



efalo, ii. 836 

etha, ib. 

ecj, ecji, i. 134 

ecje, edo, ii. 336 

-en, ii. 169 

eta, ii. 336 

etiro, ete, ib. 

-eto, ii. 103 

eth&kara, ii. 280 

em, email, emanta, ii. 336 

-er, ii. 276, 279 

eranda, i. 180 

-er&, -ero, ii. 98 

-era, ii. 199 

-el, -ela, -elu, ii. 95, 97, 98 

-elo, ill. 134 

evacjo, ii. 336 

eve, evo, ib. 

esn, -esun, ii. 219 

eh, eha, ehan, ii. 317 

-ehi, -ehin, ii. 219 

ehvan, ii. 336 


ai, i. 185 
aingt, ii. 137 
ai^an, ii. 336 
aida, ii. 336 
-ait, ii. 69 
-aita, ib. 
-aito, ii. 103 
-ail, ii. 95, 167 
aisa, ii. 336 

o, ii. 318, 336 
-on (ord.), ii. 143 

-on (pi.), ii. 218, 243 

-on (loc), ii. 236, 346 

oka, ii. 345 

-oko, ii. 112 

okovka, ii. 345 

okhane, ii. 336 

oganl8, ii. 134 

ogal, i. 293 

ojha, i. 328 

onjaj, i. 252 

oth, onth (oshtha), ii. 7 

otharu, ii. 92 

oth!, ii. 87 

ode, o<Jo, ii. 336 

onav, onav, ona (Vavanam),iii. 57 

onda, ii. 81 

otiro, ii. 336 

-otl, ii. 108 

odava, ii. 345 

ovoka, ib. 

os, i. 356 

oshtha, i. 817; ii. 7 

ohi, ii. 204 


-aut, ii. 69, 106 
-auta, autt, ib. 
-aun, -auna, ii. 69 
aur, ii. 341 ; iii. 270 
aushadha, i. 133, 252 
aushtrika, ii. 87 

ka, ii. 344 

-ka, ii. 26 

kanval, i. 255 ; ii. 23 

kanh, ii. 253 

kanhaiya, kanho, i. 163 



kanhin, kanni, ii. 323, 826 

kaka<Jt, i. 130, 133, 318; ii. 35 

kaka<Jo, i. 818 

kakkho, ii. 7 

kaksha, ii. 7, 87, 257 

kakhana, ii. 338 

kankan, i. 199, 296 

kankar, i. 130; ii. 95 

kankaiila, ii. 95 

kangan, i. 296 

kachak, ii. 31, 88 

kachanen, ii. 68 

kachaf, ii. 68, 89 

kachiandh, ii. 126 

kachim, i. 273 

kachchh, ii. 7 

kachchhapa, i. 153, 273 

kachhu, ii. 328 

kana, i. 341 

kanjho, i. 356 

kat, kat (i/kpt), i. 333 ; ii. 13 ; 

iii. 59 
kat, i. 145 
katait, ii. 105 
katan, ib. 
kataha, i. 199 
kathan (kathina), i. 145, 155; ii. 

kathanac,, ii. 82 
kad, ii. 93 

kadak, kayka, ii. 31, 83, 43 
ka4aka<J, ii. 104 
ka<Jakha, kaj-khait, ii. 103 
ka<Jahi, i. 199 
kadihln, ii. 338 
ka<J!l, ii. 98 
k*Jh, ka44h (VkT^), *• 353; 

iii. 57 
kan, ii. 324 
kanlk, ii. 231 
kaniq, ib* 

kantaka, i. 297 ; ii. 29, 93 

kanthala, ii. 89 

kanthi, i. 270 

kanda, kantfala, i. 297 ; ii. 29, 93 

kanno, i. 343 ; ii. 7 

kata, ii. 338 

kataran, i. 334 

katl, i. 334 

kath, i. 267 ; iii. 37 

kad, ii. 338 

kadala, ii. 345 

kadali, i. 142 

kania (kanya), i. 341 

kanu, i. 343 ; ii. 7 

kankano, kangan, i. 199 

kankala, kangal, i. 198 

kandhi, i. 270 

kandha, i. 297 ; ii. 9, 109 

kann, i. 843 ; ii. 7 

kannh, i. 300 

kanhaneQ, ii. 60 

kanhavajti, ib. 

kapacja (kapya), i. 199, 318 

kapacjiandh, ii. 126 

kaparda, i. 158, 209 

kapata, i. 200 

kapas, kapah, etc., i. 259, 318 

kapittha, i. 273 

kapiira, i. 318 

kab, ii. 338 ; iii. 257 

kabara, kabura, etc., i. 130, 319 

kamala, i. 255 

kamau, ii. 41 

kamln, ii. 167 

kamp, kamp, etc. (Vkamp), i. 279 ; 

iii. 34 
kambala, kammal, etc., ii. 23 
kaya, ii. 344 
kar (Vkri), i. 98, 160, 181 ; ii. 

17, 19, 88, 162, 179, 285 ; iii. 

11, 16, 18, 23, 41, 72, 75, 77 



kar, kara (genitive), ii. 277, 279, 

kara (hand), ii. 11 
karapanen, ii. 67 
karat, i. 199 
karia, i. 247 
kariandh, ii. 126 
kariso, i. 150 
karodhi (krodhin), ii. 167 
karoh (kro^a), i. 259 
karkatika, i. 133 ; ii. 35 
karjaY, ii. 168 
karna, i. 343 ; ii. 7 
kartana, i. 333 
kardama, i. 334 ; ii. 26 
karpata, i. 199, 318 
karpatan, ii. 127 
karpasa, i. 259, 318 
karsh (Vkrish), i. 322, 353; iii. 57 
kal (kalyam), i. 350 ; iii. 264 
kavatfi, i. 200 
kavala, ii. 24 
kava, ii. 344 
kavi, ii. 191 
ka$a, ii. 325 
kacjmala, i. 348 
kagmlra, i. 348 
kashfa, ii. 90, 93 
kas, kasaila, ii. 96 
kas (pron.), ii. 344 
kasak, ii. 31 
kasanen, ii. 20 
kasata, kastala, ii. 93 
kaaa, ii. 338 
kasis, kasu, i. 149 
kah, kahna, etc. (Vkath), i. 267 ; 

iii. 87 
kaha, ii. 324 
kalian, i. 355 ; ii. 338 
kahar, L 299 ; ii. 127 
kahin, ii. 323 

kahun, ii. 253 

kaja,"i. 244; ii. 13 

kales, i 171 

ka, ii. 276 

kaith, ii. 167 

kanhan, ii. 338 

kanhln, ii. 328 

kaka, kag, i. 198 

kaka, i. 210 

kakh, kankh, ii. 7, 257 

kankada, i. 318 

kachhe, i. 218 ; ii. 257, 258 

kaj (kacha), i. 199 

kaj (karya), i. 349 

kanchana, ii. 17 

kat, k&tna (Vkyit), i. 333 ; ii. 20, 

36 ; iii. 59 
k&tu, ii. 86 
kadhna (Vkrish), i. 353, 354 ; ii. 

20, 32, 41 ; iii. 57 
kana, ii. 13 

kant&, i. 297 ; ii. 29 

kantfl, ii. 98 

katar, i. 334 

kadua, kado (kardama), i. 334; 

ii. 26 
kan, ii. 7 
kana, ii. 13 
kanku4i, i. 133 
kanga, i. 198 
kandh, kandha (skandha), i. 297, 

300 ; ii. 9 
kanh (kpahna), i. 163, 347 
kapa4, i. 199, 318 
kapur, i. 318 
kapus, i. 169, 318 
kabar, kabara, i. 130, 146, 319 
kabalo, k&mbaia, ii. 23, 89 
kam (karma), i. 152, 345; ii. 41 
k&ma (beam), ii. 195 
kaya, ii. 324 



-k&r, ii. 126 

kar, ii. 279, 284 

karanhan, i. 260 

karaj, karju (kaiya), i. 171, 249, 

kariso, ii. 325 
kartgar, ii. 167 
karo, i. 247 
kartika, i. 334 
karshapana, i. 355 
kal, kali/kalh (kalyam), i. 350 
kala, i. 244, 247 ; ii. 13 
kalikar, ii. 279 
kava4&, ii. 89 
k avail j a, i. 105 
kagmlra, i. 348 
kaahta, i. 315 ; ii. 7 
kasis, i. 149 
kali, ii. 324 

kaha, kahan, ii. 323, 326 
kahadavun, i. 353 
kahan, i. 355 
kahar, kahari, ii. 327 
kahavana, i. 355 
kaja, i.244; ii. 13 
ki, ii. 324 
kia, ib. 
kinon, i. 257 
kikade, ii. 338 
kikknr, ib. 

kichhi, kichhu, ii. 328 
kitta, i. 145 
kitf'a, Wo, i. 199 
kitaka, ii. 332, 338 
kitaro, ii. 331, 338 
kitek, ii. 333 
kitthe, ii. 838 
kitna, ii. 331, 338 
kiddhau, iii. 144 
kidhar, ii. 338 
kin, kink, ii. 323, 326 

kiyau, iii. 144 

kiran, i. 130; ii. 17 

kiles, i. 171 ; ii. 7 

killa, i. 150 

kifl, ii. 326 

kisan, i. 160 

kise, ii. 324, 326 

kisu, ii. 328 

kihadi, ii.-331, 338 

kiha, ib. 

kihi, ii. 323 

kl (gen.), ii. 276 

k! (pron.), ii. 323, 324, 326 

kid, ki<Jo, i. 199 

kidriga, i. 156 ; ii. 323 

kinau, iii. 144 

kunvar (kumara), i. 255 

kukkur, ii. 184, 200 

kukh (kukshi), i. 218 

kuchchho (kukshi), i. 310 ; ii. 218 

kuchh, ii. 328 

kunchi, kunji, i. 199 ; ii. 35 

kunjada, ii. 165 

kntam, i. 146 

kutacjt, i. 273 

kuftini, i. 146; ii. 170 

kutU, ii. 98 

kuthara, i. 270, 273 

kudanu, i. 334 

kudi, kudh, i. 316 

kudie, ii. 138 

kuncj, kun^aia, ii. 93 

kuiujala, ii. 24 

kutho, iii. 338 

kudanen. kuddavun (Vkurd), L 

150, 334 
knddal, i. 157 
kubada, i. 286 
knbiro, i. 130 

knbo, etc. (kubja), i. 285, 286 
kumad, ii. 163 



kumbi,knnbl, etc., ii. 87, 165, 170 
knmbar, etc. (kumbbakara), i. 

144, 298, 346 ; ii. 126, 165 
kurftl, ii. 100 
kula, i. 155, 244, 247 
kulatha, ii. 164 
kulli, kurli, ii. 24 
kulhaii, kuhara, etc., i. 270 
kusbtha, i. 157 ; ii. 85, 167 
kusanu, kubann, iii. 51 
knsathi, ii. 167 
kuhucji, ii. 167 
kuja, i. 244 
ktan, i. 203 
kunji, ii. 35 

kftdna (t/kurd), i. 150, 334 
kiipa, i. 150, 203 
kus, ii. 218 
kripa, ii. 90 
kripalu, ib. 
krisbaka, i. 160 
krisbna, i. 163 
ke, ii.' 323, 326, 338 
-ke (gen. aff.), ii. 260, 276, 278 
kel, ii. 326 
keun, ii. 323, 328 
keunasi, ii. 326 
ketalo, ii. 331, 338 
kecja, kede, ii. 333, 334, 338 
keta, kete, ii. 332, 338 
ketiro, ii. 338 
kecjo, ib. 
kebe, ib. 
kemana, ib. 
kemane, ii. 323 
ker, kera, etc. (gen. aff.), ii. 281, 

keriso, ii. 323 
kera, ii. 323, 338 
kela, 142, 202 ; ii. 24 
kevat (kaivarta), i. 157 

vol. in. 

keva<Jo, ii. 334, 335 

kevaxjM, ib. 

kevare, ii. 338 

kevitfo, i. 202 ; ii. 24 

kevo, ii. 331 

kec,a, ii. 90 

ke^art, i. 259 ; ii. 85 

kesajft, ii. 90 

keba, ii. 327 

kebari, i. 259 ; ii. 85 

kebavun, (\/kath), i. 138, 243; 

iii. 41 
kebi, ii. 326 
kebvan, ii. 338 
kaiek, ii. 327, 333 
kaicbbana, i. 85 
kaisa, i. 158 ; ii. 325, 331 
ko (objective aff.), i. 48 ; ii. 253 
ko (pron.), ii. 323, 326, 338 
ko'fl (kokila), i. 187, 201 ; ii. 24 
kof, ii. 326 
koft, n. 327 

konvala (komala), i. 197, 253 
kokb, i. 157, 310 
kot, i. 315, 316 
ko^ha, kofbl (kosbtha), i. 315 
kotha, kotben (adv.), ii. 338 
ko^bf (knahtbin), i. 157, 316 ; ii. 

85, 89 
kon, kont, konbt, ii. 323, 338 
koro, ii. 277 
kos, kob, kobu (knxja), i. 259; 

ii. 7 
kohn (pron.), ii. 33, 838 
koliyo, ii. 24 
koll, ii. 169 

kaun, i. 48 ; ii. 253, 260 
kaudl, i. 158, 200, 333 ; ii. 164 
kaun, ii. 328, 338 
kaunasi, ii. 326 
kaun, ii. 322, 323 




kaula, ii. 91 
kauiaru, ib. 
kya, ii. 324 
kyun, ii. 338 
kii, iii. 64 

khanyo, iii. 138 

khaggo (kha4ga), i. 285 

khacharat, ii. 68 

khajann, iii. 51 

khajur, i. 319 

khat (khatva), ii. 48 

khata, khatta, ii. 82 

khatapan, ii. 72 

khatas, ii. 82 

khatiandh, ii. 126 

kluujaka, ii. 31, 33, 98 

khatfag, i. 285, 299 

khiujkhadat, ii. 68 

khada, iii. 60 

khadt, ii. 35 

khan, ii. 7 

khana, ii. 98 

khanann, iii. 50 

khana, i. 299 

khan&nl, ii. 20 

khanil, khaneren, ii. 98 

khanda, i. 299 

khanda (khaflga), i. 285 ; ii. 104, 

khandait, ib. 
khattii, ii. 88, 156 
khan, i. 130 ; ii. 7 
khani, khana, i. 299 
khano, i. 285 

khandha, i. 300, 306 ; ii. 9 
khapann, ii. 43, 58 
khapanen, ii. 36 

khapati, ii. 53 

khapau, ii. 43 

khapi, khapya, ii. 35 

kham&, i. 174,310; iL 159 

khambh, i. 313 

khara4ya, ii. 35 

khalada, ii. 120 

khavajya, ii. 89 

khava tythte), "i- 68 

khavijano, ib. 

khaskhas, ii. 104 

kha (\/khad), i. 202, 204 ; ii. 36; 

iii. 40, 68 
kh&ii, ii. 36, 37 
khan, ii. 166 
khany&in, ib. 
khansna, i. 191 
khaj, khajanen, ii. 191 
khat (khatv'a), i. 154 ; ii. 48 
khanda, i. 285 
khadho, iii. 140 
khanora, ii. 100 

khanda, khanah, i. 273, 306; ii. 9 
khar, i. 310 
khal (below), ii. 98 
khai (skin), ii. 120 
kMvavinen, iii. 77 
khich, iii. 64 
khichan, khich&v, ii. 63 
khinj, iii. 64 
khina, i. 130; ii. 7 
khitii, ii. 88, 156 
khima, i. 130 ; ii. 159 
khilauna, ii. 70 
khiiau, ii. 41 
khillu, ii. 36 
khisalahat, ii. 65 
khisiyahat, ib. 
khir, i. 309 
khujalahat, ii. 65 
khu^ako, iL 33 



khudta, khuddhia, ii. 159 
khusadani, khusrani, ii. 70 
khusanu, i. 322 
khuhu, khubu, i. 150, 191, 203; 

ii. 202 
kbuhambo, i. 191 
khe, ii. 253, 25& 
khecb, khench, iii. 64 
khetu, i. 310 
khecj, khedarag, etc. (kshetra), 

i. 310, 338; ii. 37 
khet (kshetra), L 218, 310, 338 
khetrl, ii. 88 
khep (\Zkship), i. 196 
khel, khel, i. 239, 240, 244; 

ii. 36 
khevna, i. 200 
khogfr, ii. 232 
khog, khod, khol, etc., ii. 20 ; 

iii. 62 


gajak, ii. 82 

gajanu, gajjna (Vgarj), i- 319 
gatho, iii. 138 
gafhila, ii. 95 
gafhri, i. 120 
ga4, ga<Jba<J, etc., i. 836 
gacjahu, ii. 164 
ga^batf&t, ii. 67, 68 
ga^dh, iii. 59 
ga<Jha, ii. 95 
gacjhat, ii. 62 
ga^hela, ii. 95 
-gan, ii. 200 
gan^asa, ii. 82 
gaiKjlb (V'grantb), iii. 59 
gadha, gadaha, etc. (gardabba), 
i. 335 

gantait, ii. 105 

gandhaja, ii. 101 

gabbb, gabbu, etc. (garbba), i. 

319; ii. 7 
gabbbin, gabbin, etc. (garbhini), 

i. 183, 319 
gambbir, i. 81, 150; ii. 13 • 
garann, i. 247 
garabhu, ii. 7, 1 1 
garbban, i. 183 
garbbini, i. 165 
galav, gajau, ii. 63 
garudno, ii. 288 
gab, ganb (\/grah), iii. 42 
gabak, gabako, ii. 31, 33 
gahara, gabira, i. 81, 150; ii. 13 
gaii, ii. 26, 37 
gag, g&nv, etc. (grama), i. 254 ; 

ii. 7, 26 
g&nvaden, ii. 118 
ganvi, ii. 88 

gajanen, gajna (\/garj), i. 319 
g&nja, i. 297 
gata, i. 337 

ga4ann, gadavun, etc., i. 336 
ga<& ii. 149 

ga<Jt, i. 336 ; ii. 149, 192 
gatfha, gatfho, ii. 13 
gand, i. 147, 227 
gat, i. 337 
gadami, ii. 77 
gadba, i. 335 
gan, i. 2&6 
ganth, i. 267 ; iii. 59 
gabb, i. 319; ii. 7 
gabhin, i. 145, 183, 319 ; ii. 165 
gabbu}, ii. 100 
gam (grama), ii. 7, 26 
gama^un, ii. 1 19 

gavun (VfPfyi ii. 37 
gaba, i. 267 



gijh, i. 160, 837; ii. 21 

gidh, giddh, ib. 

ginna, i. 130 

gimh, gim, i. 347 

giyar&n, i. 260 

giraku, ii. 42 

gihanu, ii. 19 

gihu, i. 160 

gld, gidh, i. 160, 337; ii. 21 

guar, ii. 167 

guj, gujho, i. 359 

gucjko, ii. 33 

gunapana, ii. 73 

gudl, i.240 

goni8, ii. 136 

gunth (Vgranth), iii. 59 

gum, ii. 166 

-gul, -guli, ii. 200 

gusail, ii. 167 

gusain, ii. 168 

gusau, ii. 42 

guj, i. 359 

guth (Vgranth), iii. 59 

genh (t/grah), iii. 42 

gem, i. 146 

geh, ii. 14 

gehun, i. 81, 169, 267 

go, i. 267 ; ii. 245 

gochhait, ii. 105 

gota, ii. 245 

go(u, i. 337 

gotthl, ii. 218 

gothu, ii. 110 

go4, goflj, ii. 98 

gondas, ii. 82 

gon^a, ii. 82, 90, 98 

got, i. 337 

gom, i. 267 

gora, i. 158 

goro, ii. 247 

gol, i. 240, 244, 247 

gola, ii. 148 

golara, ii. 94 

goll, ii. 203 

golo, i. 247 

gosain, i. 257 ; ii. 154 

gosavi, ib. 

goh, i. 267 ; ii. 48 

gohal, i. 260 

gohun, i. 169, 267 

gyaran, gy&rah, ii. 134 

grasth, i. 166 

gr&sanen, i. 154 

grisatt, i. 166 

grihastu, ib. 

gwalin, ii. 165 


ghatanu, iii. 71 

ghafita, ii. 79 

gha<Javun, ii. 43 

gha^a, gha^i, i, 199 ; ii. 91, 92 

ghatfaii, ii. 43, 44 

ghatfiyal, etc., ii. 91, 92, 94 

ghanaghuro, ii. 127 

ghanaghanat, ii. 68 

ghana, ii. 13 

ghanera, ii. 98 

ghan^a, ii. 93 

ghamori, ii. 100 

ghar (griha), i. 192 ; ii. 14, 95, 

183, 191, 206, 280 
gharacha, ii. 110 
gharatu, ii. 64 
gharela, ii. 95 
ghasavat, ii. 67 
gha, ghav (ghata), i. 187, 202 ; 

ii. 100 
ghail, gh&yal, etc. ii. 100 
ghat, ii. 89 



ghan, ghanela, ii. 98 

ghantadi, ii. 119 

gtam, ii. 26, 99 

ghamela, ii. 99 

ghamoli, ii. 100 

ghasanen, ii. 67 ; iii. 88 

ghisav, ii. 63 

ghitt, ghl, etc. (ghrita), i. 160 ; ii. 

156, 157 
ghumna, etc. (^/ghurn), i. 150, 

344 ; ii. 64 
glioma, etc., ib. 
ghul, ghol (t/ghum), ii. 20, 41, 

65 ; iii. 56 
ghusail, ii. 96 

ghe, ghen (Vgrah), iii. 42, 143, 220 
gho, ii. 48, 151 
ghoda, ghora (ghotaka), i. 199; 

ii. 29, 89, 125, 149, 164, 185, 

ghomu, ii. 38 
ghoraro, ii. 60 
ghoro, ii. 30 


chaiitho, i. 334 

chanar, i. 148 ; ii. 22 

chak, etc. (chakra), ii. 23 

chanchala, ii. 24 

chafak, ii. 82 

chatat, i. 215 

chatf, chaflh, ii. 43, 53, 64, 65, 69 

chatur, ii. 132 

chand, etc. (chandra), i. 297, 337, 

338 ; ii. 21 
chandan, ii. 17 
chapkan, etc. (chap), i. 213 
chab, chabb (-/chary), i. 352 ; iii. 


chatty i. 253 

chamak, ii. 32 

chamatkara, ii. 33 

chamar, i. 183, 346; ii. 126, 165 

cbamarin, i. 183; ii. 165 

chamelo, ii. 97 

cbamkavat, etc., ii. 65 

champa, i. 345 ; ii. 120 

cnaru, ii. 37 

charchait, ii. 103 

charyaito, ii. 104 

chal, chall, etc. (\/cbal), iii. 34, 

cbalavan, ii. 70 
chavani, ii. 19 
chahunpna, i. 276 
-cM, -chi, etc., ii. 276, 289 
chan, i. 182 
chanvelo, ii. 97 
cbangalepan, ii. 73 
chatuya, ii. 39 
chan^ino, ii. 114 
chand, i. 297, 337 ; ii. 21 
chandalo, ii. 119 
chap, chanp, etc., i. 211, 212 
chab, etc. (v'charv), i. 352 ; ii. 68 ; 

in. 40 
cham (channan), i. 345, 346 ; ii. 

61, 118 
chamar, i. 346 
chamota, ii. 123 
char, ii. 132, 245 
charant, ii. 20 
charon, ii. 245 
chalanen, etc. (y'chal), i. 155 ; ii. 

51 ; iii. 34 
chalani, chalttnl, i. 133 
chalis, ii 187 
chas, i. 210, 215 
chito, i. 336 
chi«h (VstM), i. 230 



chi<jliy&, ii. 159 

chito, ii. 29 

ohittl, i. 310 

chindh, etc., ii. 118, 122 

chink, Chilian, etc. (chinha), i. 

358 ; ii. 94 
chip, chipt&, etc., i. 212 
chimkatu, ii. 64 
chimta, etc., i. 212 
-chiya, ii. 289 
chirta, ii. 149 
chirn&, ib. 

chishth (Vstha), i. 230 ; iii. 34 
chlk, ii. 91 
chid, ii. 191 
chtnt, i. 336 
chita', ii. 29 
chiro, ii. 30 
chuk, iii. 224 
chukauti, ii. 108 
chuttla, ii. 95 

chu44°> ii* 161 

chunuk, ii. 44 

chuna, etc., i. 344 ; ii. 9 

chunavat, ii. 65 

chap, i. 212 

chura, i. 343 

chuhanu, chuna, i. 321 

chuna, etc. (churna), i. 343, 344; 

ii. 9 
chura, etc. (churna), ib. 
chengarat, ii. 68 
checjla, chel& (cheta), i. 240 ; ii. 

9, 40 
chepat, ii. 68, 123 
-cho, ii. 140, 276, 278 
chok, ii. 247 
chokh, i. 134 

chonch, chont, i. 134, 215, 297 
chotho, i. 144, 334 
choba (Vcharv), i. 352 ; iii. 40 

chorani, ii. 166 

chorl, i. 158, 349; ii. 78 

choravan, ii. 73 

chorano, ii. 114, 115 

chorannu, ii. 141 

chau (char), ii. 129, 140 

chaunr, chaunri, etc. (chamara), 

i. 148, 256] ii. 22 
chaukh, i. 134 
changhe, ii. 245 
chaunk, ii. 31, 33, 96 
chaut, chaukh, ii. 83, 144 
chaucjahan, i. 334 
chanda (chaupa), ii. 80 
chautha, i. 144 
chaudaha, etc. (chaturda^a), i. 

144, 334; ii. 134 
chaudhari, ii. 166, 167 
chauhai (chaturvedl), ii. 87 
chanbis, i. 253 

chaur, chaurt, i. 148, 256; ii. 22 
chauranj&, ii. 141 
chauvl, i. 253 


chha, i. 261 ; ii. 132, 140, 246 

chhaka4a, i. 198 

chhattha, L 261 ; ii. 143 

chhancj, iii. 52 

chhattts, ii. 140 

chhattrl, ii. 88, 156 

chhan, i. 130 ; ii. 7 

chhap, etc., i. 210, 211, 213 

chhappan, ii. 140 

chhabila, ii. 95 

chhabbis, i. 253 

chhama, i. 130 : ii. 159 

chhay, i. 261; ii. 132, 140 

chhaho, i. 261 



chha, i. 261 ; ii. 324 

chhannft, ii. 141 

chhanv, ohh&nh (chhaya), ii. 48 

chMeMra, ii. 94 

chhafl, iii. 52 

chhapa, etc., i. 211, 212, 213 

chhapirft, ii. 112 

chMmu, ii. 299 

chhayela, ii. 95, 97 

ehhar, L 310 

chhaliya, i. 261 

chhavafla, %b. 

chhavo, ib. 

chhijanu, iii. 60, 138 

chhitl,'i. 196, 310 

chhin, ii. 7, 283 

chhinann, iii. 50, 138 

chhinnal, i. 218 

chhinno, iii. 138 

chhip, etc., ii. 211 

chhipanja, ii. 141 

chhipav, ii. 64 

chhipavani, ii. 69 

cnhibara, i. 213 

chhima (kflhama), i. 130, 310; ii. 

chhlo, ii. 10 
chhint, i. 336 
chhua, i. 261 
chhut, ii. 43, 70 ; iii. 52 
chhut&6, ii. 43 
chhntapa, ii. 72 
chhuto, iii. 138 
chhuii, i. 218, 310; ii. 9 
chhuhanu, etc., ii. 65 ; iii. 51 
chhe (shash), i. 261 
chhe (V M )> iii* 186 
chhekaft, ii. 42 
chhenchad&mi, ii. 77 
chhe(Jhna, i. 254 
chhemi, ii. 85 

chheliya, i. 261 

chheli, i. 142 

chhelemi, ii. 77 

chhevan, i. 261 

chho, ii. 151, 190 

chhokatfa, i. 215, 261; ii. 72, 

120, 163 
chhokad&puna, ii. 72 
chhotfc, ii. 72 
chho4, iii. 52 

jaii, i. 81 
akhana, ii. 337 

ag, jagg, etc. (yajna), i. 303 ; ii. 


agatu, i. 81 
agana, iii. 78 
angal, i. 248 
angh, i. 81, 296 ; ii. 48 
aj, jajan, eto. (yajna), i. 308; 

ii. 15 
ajman, i. 197 
ata, i. 196 
atini, i. 168 
a^au, ii. 41 
a^ani, ii. 70 
agdho, ii. 161 
a^na, ii. 41 
a4ya, ii. 35 

atan (yatna), i. 171 ; ii. 16 
atra (yatra), ii. 159 
athanen, i. 146 
atha, L 147 
ad, ii. 337 
anam, i. 171 ; ii. 60 

aneii, janoY, janyo (yajnopaYita), 

i. 303 
apna, i. 196 
ab, ii. 337 
amal, i. 192 



janra, jambu, i. 297, 298 

jam (jala), i. 247 

jalladant, ii. 167 

javun (Vya), i. 249 ; iii. 36, 213, 

jashpur, i. 304 
jasa, ii. 337 
jab&n, ib. 
jabin, ii. 321 

jajana, etc. (Vjval), i. 244 
jajakat, ii, 122 
jaju, jajo, ii. 151, 193 
j£ (Vya), i. 249 ; iii. 36, 213, 222 
janval, i. 255 ; ii 193 
janba, ii. 337 
jag (yajna), i. 303 ; ii. 15 
jaganu, etc. Wfigp) 9 ii. 36, 51 ; 

iii. 78 
j&garuk, ii. 44 
jagu, ii. 36 
jangb, i. 296 ; ii. 48 
jacbantik, ii. 44 
jacbu, ii. 37 
jato, i. 192 
jan, jan, etc. (\/J na )> *• 303 ; ii. 

104; iii. 41 
janito, ii. 104 
jat, ii. 52 
jatra, ii. 159 
jamal, i. 192 
j&mauo, i. 159 
jamu, i. 297 
jamotu, ii. 122 
jam, jal, etc. (jala), i. 81, 247; 

ii. 7, 199 
jalapann, ii. 72 
jaluya', ii. 40 
jasti, ii. 54 
jaba, jahan, ii. 321 
jiann, i. 242 
jiaranu, ib. 

jikatfe, ii 337 

jijman, i. 197 

jithut, ii. 106 

jicjabin, ii. 337 

jitaka, ib. 

jiti, ib. 

jitthe, ib. 

jitba, ib. 

jithe, ib. 

jidhar, ib. 

jindn, ii. 117 

jinducjo, ib. 

jin, jinan, u. 321 

jiba (Vya), i. 249; iii. 36, 213, 

jilana, i. 241 
jio, ii. 321 
jib, ib. 
jiha, ii. 337 
jibi, ii. 321 

jl ( jlva), i. 252 ; ii. 156 
jlii, ib. 
jlna, i. 241 
jtban, ii. 17 
jlbh (jihva), i. 155, 185, 359; ii. 

48, 191, 207, 209, 217 
juanin, i. 192 
jugala, ii. 24 
jugucbba, i. 196 
jugut, i. 172, 173 ; ii. 232 
jujb, etc. (Vyudh), i. 268, 328 

jut (Vyuj), iii- 54 

juna, juneren, ii. 99 

jurimana, ii. 176 

juyala, juja, etc. (yugala), ii. 24 

jfttb, i. 267 

jub, a. 

je, ii. 321, 337 
jeiin, ib. 
jekbane, ii. 337 
jetalo, ib. 



jetha, ii. 337 

jethaku, ib. 

jethaut, ii. 106 

je^a, jeo>, ii. 337 

jetiro, jete, ib. 

jethen, jebe, ib. 

jem, jemana, ib. 

jevacjo, jevacjha, ib. 

jevo, jevhan, ib. 

jeher, i. 139 

jaisa, ii. 337 

jo (pron.), ii. 321, 337 

-jo (gen. aff.), ii. 276, 289 

joeto, ii. 103 

jogita, ii. 79 

joto, jot, etc. (yoktram), i. 249 

jo4 (Vyuj), iii. 54 

jot, joti (jyoti), i. 197 

jodh&pan, i. 268 

joru, ii. 207 

johi, ii. 322 

jau, ii. 185 

jaun, ii. 321 

jyain, i. 192 


jhagralu, ii. 60, 94 
jhangali, i. 192 
jhangu, ib. 
jhatak, ii. 32 
jhatanu, ii. 62 
jhafel, ii. 99 
jhadak, ii. 43 
jhaiKja, i. 139 
jnanjhanahat, ii. 65 
jhapak, ii. 32 
jhapas, ii. 82 
jhamak, ii. 82 
jhambel, ii 97 

jhart, i. 272 

jharokha, i. 177 

jhalak, ii. 32 

jhajavanl, ii. 127 

jhankna, i. 176 

jhat, ii. 52 

jhadna, i. 177 ; ii. 36 

jh&olavo, ii. 121 

jha4<i, ii. 36 

jhantna, L 177 

jMma, i. 272 

jhamp, i. 177, 276 ; ii. 91 

jhampal, ii. 91 

jhalar, i. 332 

jaaluya, ii. 40 
jhia, jhi, etc., i. 192 

jhijhak, ii. 82 

jhi^ak, ib. 

jhilga, i. 332 

jhilmil, ib. 

jhukavat, ii. 65 

jhnnjhulahat, ib. 

jhuftho, ii. 161 

jhu^alo, ii. 93 

jhu(J4 > ii* 161 

jhulko, ii. 83 

jhul, jhola, etc. ii. 158, 332 

jhemp, i. 139 

jhok, ii. 33 

jhop, jhomp, etc. ii. 91, 120 

takaii, ii. 43 
tako, ii. 247 
tatak, ii. 32 
tattf, i. 237 
tatho, i. 337 
tan, fan, etc., i. 227 
tanak, ii. 32 



tap, tapp&, etc., i. 214 

tapak, i. 214; ii. 32 

Jamak, ii. 32 

talna, talanen, etc. (VW)> *• 244 > 

iii. 59 
tasak, ii. 32 
tahak, ii. 32, 33 
tabann, i. 337 
tabni, i. 226 
takapen, i. 324 ; iii. 224 
tat, i. 215 

tap, tanna, etc., i. 227 
tantfa, i. 231 
tap, etc., i. 214 
tamo, i. 342 ; ii. 21 
tah&4, i. 231 
$io, i. 150 
tika^i, tikajf, etc. (tilaka), L 197, 

226;'ii. 120 
tfkatt, ii. 105 
tikau, ii. 41 
tip, etc., i. 214, 215 
tilava, i. 314 
till, i. 163, 347 
tiMi, %b. 
tila, i. 226 
tika, (tilaka), ii. 120 
tip, i. 214, 215 
tib, i. 259 
tuncj, i. 226 
tubanu, i. 276 ; ii. 30 
tut, tat, etc. (\/trut), i. 836 ; iii. 52 
te, i. 337 
tekafla, ii. 120 
tekuya, ii. 39 
tekna, i. 142 

teda, tetfba, etc., i. 237, 350 
tep, i. 215 
tehalya, ii. 35 
toka, i. 215, 261 
Jopna, i. 214, 215 

{obo, ii. 30 

tri, tre, etc. (Sindhi—Skr. tri), ii. 
137, 139, 143, 245, 247. 


thag, i. 314; ii. 165, 167 

tbagan, thagin, ii. 165, 167 

tbagl, ii." 78 

tbagna, i. 197, 314 

thathol, ii. 100 

thanak, ii. 32 

thancja, i. 230, 237 

thanak, ii. 43 

thapak, thapna, etc., i. 214; ii. 32 

tbamak, ii. 32 

tharann, thaharna, etc., i. 231 

tharav, ii. 64 

tba (Vstha), i. 230, 231 ; iii. 34 

thak, etc. (derive, of tba), i. 231 

{haknrain, ii. 166 

-{haru, ii. 274, 295 

-thare, ii. 295 

fhia, i. 231 

thikana, %b. 

ihithak, ii. 32 

tbipka, i. 214 

thir, i. 231 

thik, %b. 

thuntbo, i. 226 

thekiri, ii. 87 

thekuya, ii. 39 

fbentami, ii. 77 

(bep, i. 231 

tbelna, L 142 

thevanen, i. 142 ; iii. 224 

tbontb, i. 215 


4ansna, i. 225 
4akar, i. 139, 179 



(Jakait, ii. 69 

cjakant, ii. 106 

4ank, dankh, etc., i. 225 

4ankll&, ii. 95 

dangu, iL 12 

danganu, i. 225 

4aehak, ii. 32 

4ajhami, iii. 50 

4atta,'i. 229 

datn&, ib. 

4a4hn, ii. 175 

4adho, iii. 137 

cjancju, etc., i. 229, 230 

4ab, cjabna, etc., i. 225 

(Jabalo, i. 319 

(Jabbu, i. 225 ; ii. 40 

(Jamirjanu, iii. 72 

4aya, i. 237 

(Jayalu, ii. 59 

dar, i. 225 ; iL 60 

4ar&ltL, ii. 60 

4al, etc., i. 226 

cjasanen, i. 225 

^ali/ii. 183, 247 

cjahaiiu, iii. 49, 187 

-4&, -41, ii. 116, 118 

daa, i. 310 

4ain, i. 237 

4*119, etc., i. 225 

4akuya, ii. 39 

4&k<i, ii. 36 

4akh, i. 182 

4ank, i. 225 

4a4h, 4a4hi, etc., i. 225, 237, 

273 ; ii. 85 
4&nu, i. 237 
4anta, etc., i. 229 
4an4, etc., i. 229, 230 ; ii. 85 
4abhero, ii. 97 
4&1, etc., i, 226 
4alim, i. 240 

4alna, iii. 228 

dahap, i. 330 

4aban, ii. 13 

4abar, L 225 

dahna, i. 225 ; iii. 50 

4ianu, i. 242 ; ii. 19 ; iii. 80, 139 

4iany&tu, ii. 109 

4iara.QU, i. 242 ; iii. 80 

dio, i. 237 ; ii. 93 

4igbero, ii. 117 

4ijanu, i. 242 

4itbo, iii. 138 

4inu, i. 237 ; ii. 194 

4in4im, i. 228 

4iti, i. 162, 315 

4ino, iii. 139 

4ibiy&, i. 225 ; ii. 159 

4isaQii, i. 161 ; iii. 138 

4ith (dyiflhti), i. 162, 237, 815 

4ukhu, i. 237 

4udbo, iii. 137 

4ubiro, i. 319 

4ubna, ii. 37 

4ubhapu, iii. 49 

4umur, i. 133, 180 

4ulna, i. 227 

4nha9H, iii. 49 

4e(i, ii. 12, 194 

4ekjianu, i. 242 

4enguya, ii. 89 

4e4ara, i. 334 ; ii. 22 

de$h, etc. (1*), i. 237 ; ii. 144 

4enu&, ii. 40 

4era, ii. 22 

4est, ii. 86 

4ebu, ii. 86, 225 

-40, ii. 118 

4odbi, i. 286 ; ii. 14 

4obu, ii. 36 

4oma4&, i. 120 

4ol, 4°l> 4 or > *&>•* i. 227 




dhakeKi, ii. 95 

dhakka, etc., i. 227 ; ii. 95 

dhabiU, ii. 95 

flhalait, ii. 102 

(Jhavai, ii. 63 

(Jhal, ii. 144 

dhalu, ii. 36 

4Mla, etc. (ctthila), i. 155, 272; 

ii. 24, 77, 120 
(Jhona, i. 241 ; ii. 62 
(Jholak, ii. 121 
dholat, ii. 62, 63 


na, ii. 133 
-ni, -nt, ii. 166 
nia, i. 300 ; ii. 52 
niattai, i. 164 ; iii. 60 
nichham, i. 327 

tain, ii. 311 
takhana, ii. 337 
tattun, ii. 192 
tatfak, ii. 82 
ta^ata^ahat, ii. 65 
tan, ii. 131 
-tano, ii. 287, 288 
tata, ii." 337 
tato, iii. 138 
tathakar, ii. 280 
tathay, i. 314 
tad, ii. 337 
-tana, ii. 289 
tantu, tand, etc., ii. 174 
tap, iii. 58 

tapak, i. 214 

tapau, ii. 44 

tarn, tame, etc., ii. 809, 311 

tar iytjl), *"• 54 

tala, tale, etc., i. 184 ; ii. 298 

talao, i. 240 

talaiya, ii. 121 

tav (\/tap)> iii« 59 

tasa, taseu, ii. 337 

tahan, %b. 

tahyln, ii. 309, 311 

tain, ii. 311 

tail, i. 198, 200 

tannu, ii. 139 

tanhan, ii. 337 

t&4, i. 240 

tacjna, i. 229, 334 

tan, tan, etc. (tana), i. 227, 229 ; 

ii. 7 
tant, ii. 174 

tamba, etc. (tamra), i. 342 ; ii. 21 
tamboU, etc., ii. 86 
tar (Vttf), iii. 54 
taru, ii. 38 

tarun, i. 247 ; ii. 193, 206 
taro, ii. 312 

tav (Vtap), i. 198, 200 ; iii. 59 
Uha, ii. 315, 319 
taj, i. 240 
ti-, tir-, etc. (tiini in comp.), ii. 

139, 140, 141 " 
tiag (tyaga), i. 324 
tika^e, ii. 337 
tighe, ii. 245 
tin, tinka, etc., i. 160 
titi, titthe, tidhar, ii. 337 
titak&, titn&, ib, 
tinro, ii. 345 
tipanliya, i. 129 
tiriya, eto. (stii), i 171, 314 
tirkha, i. 163, 347, 348 



tirpat (tjipta), i. 166 

tilacja, ii. 129 

tis, ii. 315 

tih, ib. 

tihacjo, ii. 887 

tiha (pron.), ib. 

tiha (tyishna), i. 163, 847 

Una, ii. 837 

tlkha, i. 300 

tljo (tptlya), i. 150 ; ii. 143 

tin, i. 337 ; ii. 131, 245 

tlnon, ib. 

tiya, timl, etc. (stii), i. 171, 314 

tie, i. 155 ; ii. 137, 140 

tisl, i. 179 

ttsra, ii. 143 

tu, tft, etc. (tvam), ii. 309, 310, 

tutanen, etc. (t/trut), i. 227, 237, 

386; iii. 53 
tntho, iii. 139 
tud, etc. (Vtud), i. 226 
tunc!, i. 227 ; ii. 90 
turn, tnmhe, etc., ii. 309, 312, 345 
turant (tvaritam), i. 324 
tuii, tilii, etc., i. 849 
tul (t/tul), i. 351 ; iii. 60 
tn8, iii. 139 
tusa, tuha, etc., ii. 309 
-te, ii. 295, 315 
te-, tets, etc. (trini in comp.), i. 

253 ; ii. 139, 140 
tefalo, ii. 337 
te^a, tecje, etc., ib. 
tegUia, i. 237, 350 
tetiro, ii. 337 
tentuli, i. 146, 240 
tebe, ii. 337 
temana, ib. 
teraha, etc. (trayodac,a), i. 136, 

243; ii. 134, 135,812 

tel, i. 151 ; ii. 7 

teU, ii. 86 

teva<& ii. 337 

tevaro, tevo, tevhanj ib. 

test, i. 179 

to, ii. 302, 310, 813, 337 

-to, iii 124 

toin, ii. 298 

tool (Vtrut), *»• 62 

toncjL, tonsil, etc., i. 227 ; ii. 94, 

topna, i. 214 

toma, etc., ii. 309, 311, 312 
tol, taul, etc. tytul), iii. 60 
tyann, ii. 337 


thakaija, ii. 97 

thakna, i. 230 

thafa, i. 237 

thanu, than, eto. (stana), i. 818; 

ii. 175 
thanda, i. 287 
thamb, etc. (y'stambh), i. 813; 

iii. 60 
tharelo, ii. 97 
thavun ( Vstha), i. 230, 243 ; iii. 

tha (Vetha), i. 230 ; iii, 208 
thatfha, iii. 35 
thapa, etc., i. 230 
thamb, eto. (t/stambh), i; 813; 

iii. 60 
tharo, ii. .812, 314 
thajl, I 244 
thi, thianu, eto. (t/stha), i. 230 ; 

iii. 35, 211 
-thi, ii. 273, 274 
thont, i. 226 



thoravi, ii. 73 
thorero, ii. 117 


dans, ii. 12 

dakhin, i. 310 ; ii. 13 

dachhin, ib. 

datta, etc., i. 229 

da4, etc., ib. 

dan4, etc., ib.y ii. 85 

dabna, etc., i. 224 

dayalu, ii. 59 

dariau, i. 152 

darQ, daro (^dp$), i. 162 ; iii. 16 

dal, i. 225, 226 

das, ii. 133 

dahina, i. 225 ; ii. 13 

dahi, i. 267; ii. 155 

da, ii. 276, 291 ; iii. 42 

danhl, ii. 85 

dakh, i. 182, 310 ; ii. 48 

dat, etc., i. 229 

da<Jh, i. 225 

datfhi, i. 225, 287 ; ii. 35, 92 

dadhialft, ii. 92 

dantfi, i. 229 ; ii. 85 

dad, ii. 175 

dadur, i. 334 

dan&, ii. 152 

dant, ii. 85 

dabna, etc., i. 224 

dam, dar, etc., ii. 61 

damad, i. 199, 210 

dal, i. 226 

das, ii. 14, 195, 214 

dah (vfdah), i. 225 

dahaijo, ii. 118, 189 

dal, i. 226 

dikhana, dikhlanfc, i. 162, 241 

ditthi (driahti), i. 162, 315 

din, ii. 8 

dinnan, diyau, iii. 144 

diya, i. 203 ; ii. 9 

dirijano, iii. 72 

dilana', iii. 80 

diva^he, i. 238 

diva, i. 203 

di$, dis (Vd^), i. 161 

dla, ii. 9 

d\th. (driahti), i. 162, 237, 815 

dlvo, ii. 9 

dui, ii. 131 

dutl, ii. 248 

dndh&lu, etc., ii. 91, 94, 97, 98 

dupura, i. 133 

dnbla, i. 181, 319 

duritno, ii. 288 

dulhin, etc., i. 271 

dusallft, ii. 101 

dnseii, ii. 129 

dushtumi, ii. 77 

dto, duja, i. 150 ; ii. 143 

dftnhan, i. 257 ; ii 26 

dudh, i. 286 ; iL 14, 91, 94 

duna, i. 188, 201 

dub, i. 182; ii. 48 

dube, ii. 87 

dusra, ii. 143, 247 

dpidhata, ii. 79 

de (t/da), i. 139 ; ii, 83 ; iii. 43, 

140, 218 
de (deva), i. 253 
deii, i. 253 
deuj, deval, etc. (devfclaya), i. 

149; ii. 10,232 
dekh, i. 161 ; iii. 45 
de<Jh, i. 237 
deyar, i. 253 ; ii. 22 
dev, ii. 188, 189, 208, 216, 225, 

263, 272 



des (de9a), ii. 8, 224, 225 

desi, ii. 86 

deh, ii. 173, 176 

do, i. 324; ii. 129,131,245 

doghe, ii. 245 

dojtya, ii. 129 

don, i. 324; ii. 131, 245 

donon, ii. 245 

dopatta, ii. 129 

dobhashiyi, ib. 

dor, ii. 149 

dol (V<tol), i. 227 
dolada, ii. 129 
drum, i. 26 


dhak, dhakk, etc., i. 130, 227 

dhakelu, ii. 36, 95, 161 

dhaj&, ii. 9 

dha^ak, ii. 82, 33 

dhaolavai, ii 168 

dhanaru, ii. 92 

dhaniani, ii. 169 

dhatura, ii. 22 

dhani, ii 88 

dhani, ii. 34, 88 

dhamaki, i. 268 

dharam, i. 171 ; ii. 26 

dhavala, i. 268 

dhavacjavnn, iii. 81 

dhan^ajya, ii. 167 

dhat, ii. 174 

dhan, etc. (dhanya), i. 341 ; ii. 78 

dhampna, i. 276 

dhav, etc., ii. 51 ; iii. 81 

dhiko, i. 130, 227 

dhi, etc. (duhita), i. 192, 210 ; ii. 

103, 207 
dhiru, ii. 164 

dhnanu, i. 242 

dhuarini, ii. 20 

dhutala, iii. 143 

dhutta (dhurta), i. 384 

dhulai, ii. 62 

dhulana, i. 241 

dhulvafla, etc. (dhul), i. 152 

dhMn, etc. (dhuma), i. 257 ; ii. 

dhup, i. 152 
dhnpel, ii. 127 
dhontfa, ii. 90, 149 
dhondaj, ii. 90 

dhoti, etc. (dhautra) i. 171, 338 
dhona, i. 241 ; ii. 62 
dhobin, etc., i. 183 ; ii. 167 
dhobi, etc., i. 183; ii. 154, 165, 

167, 169 
dholai, ii. 62 
dholana, i. 241 
dhoha, ii. 167 
dholun, i. 268 ; ii. 82 
dhaunkani, i. 268 
dhaula, ib. 
dhyan, i.327 


-na, ii. 334 

nanvan (t/nam), iii. 19, 20, 57 

nakharelo, ii. 161 

nanga (nagna), i. 191, 800 

nachhattar, i. 171 

natf, ii. 184 

na^lnave, ii. 140 

nantfhapal, i. 330 ; ii. 72 

natait, ii. 103 

nadi, ii. 190, 226 

nadh&nave, ii. 140 

nam, iii. 19, 20, 57 



nar, ii. 226 

narelu, i. 201 

navani, ii. 156 

navasi, ii. 140 

nawe, navad, etc., ii. 137, 141 

nashtami, ii. 77 

nahan (snana), i. 347 

nahiyar, i. 167 

nai, nau, ii. 58 

n&kna, ii. 40 

nach (t/nyit), i. 327 ; iii. 86 

najo, ii. 161 

nat (latta), 248 

nati, natu, etc. (naptyi), ii. 58, 

155, 193 
nam, nanv, etc. (n&man), i. 254, 

256 ; ii. 60, 152 
narangi, i. 130 

nariyal, etc. (naiikela), i. 201 
nari, ii. 185, 199 
n&la, ii. 9 

nay (\/nam), iii. 57 
nahanen, i. 347 
-ni, ii. 334 
niiin (nemi), i. 256 
nikat, i. 183 
nikal, nikal, etc. (Vniahkjrish), i. 

354 ; iii. 58 
nikas, nikas, etc., ib. 
nitas, etc., i. 152 
nind, i. 182, 337; ii. 48 
nindaito, ii. 103 
nidralu, ii. 59 
ninanave, ii. 140 
nindas, ii. 82 
nipataru, ii. 94 
nibad, nibaj (nivyit), iii. 60 
nimna, i. 340 
nirmalal, ii. 79 
niva (-v/nam), iii. .57 
ni^ala, ii. 89 

nihachai, etc. (nigchaye), i. 140, 

307 ; ii. 297 
nihud (V'nam), iii. 57 
0ii, iii. 44 
-nin, ii. 262, 271 
nicha, niche, i. 184 ; ii. 297 
nij (nidra), i. 182, 337 ; ii. 48 
nit, i. 152 
nind (nidra), i. 182, 337 ; ii 48, 

-nun, ii. 253, 261 
mini (-v/nam), iii. 57 
nupur, i. 168, 175 
nun, i. 144, 248 
-ne, ii. 262 
-nen, ii. 253 

neo, ney, etc. (nemi), i. 191, 256 
nengta, i. 248, 301 
nemi, etc. (nayana), i. 140; ii. 17 
nemaito, ii. 103 
neval, neul, etc. (nakula), i. 139 

187, 201 
nevun (navati), ii. 137, 141 
nehemi, i. 139 
-no, ii. 276, 287 
nocjl, ii. 226 
noru, noliyun (nakula), i. 187, 

ny&v, etc. (nyaya), i. 341 
nha (^sna), i. 148, 347 ; iii. 68 

-pa, ii. 71 

pak (Vpach), iii. 38, 78 

pakkfc, etc. (pakva), i. 153, 824 ; 

ii. 25 
pakh, i. 310 
pakhi, ii. 154 
pagatfi, i. 154 



pach, iii. 12, 38 

pachannu, ii. 141 

pachavan, %b. 

pactas, ii. 137, 140 

pachls, etc., i. 253 

pachpan, ii. 141 

pachhatav, i. 218 

pachhim, i. 307 

pachhe, ii. 297 

panch&nna, ii. 141 

panchhi, ii. 154 

panj, ii. 132, 140, 246 

panjaha, ii. 137, 141 

pataka, etc., i. 133 

pataka, ii. 43 

patvarl, ii. 154 

patta, etc., i. 224, 336 

pad (Vpat), i. 224 ; ii. 64 ; iii. 

56, 226 
padav (parao), ii. 64, 66 
pa^i (prati), i. 321 
pa<Jisa, ii. 199 

padost (parorf), i. 321 ; ii. 155 
pa^chhaya, i. 321 
pa^h, parh (Vpath), i. 270; ii. 

37 ; iii. 40 
padhama, i. 132 
-panu, -pano, ii. 71, 75 
pankappa<Ja, etc., i. 152 
pangitani, ii. 166 
pancjita, ii. 72, 166 
panoarah, ii. 134 
pati, ii. 184, 190 
patta, ii. 29 
patthar, i. 148, 153, 313, 320; 

ii. 97 
pattharaila, ii. 97 
-pan, ii. 71, 75, 172 
pan- (panchan in comp.), ii. 125 
pandarah, pandhran, etc., ii. 134 
pandha^o, ii. 117 

tol. hi. 

pannas, ii. 137 

par, pari, ii. 298, 344 

parakh, etc. (pariksha), i. 145, 182 

parakhaM, ii. 187 

paran, parnahn, etc. (v'pari-ni), 

iii. 44 
parab (parwan), i. 131, 171, 822; 

352 ; ii. 60 
parala, ii. 344 
paralokn, ii. 127 
paras, i. 356 

parasnfi, (Vsprish), i. 171, 356 
parosf, ii. 154 
pargana, i. 320 
parchhain, i. 321 
parjant, i. 136 
parti, ii. 164 
partu, ib. 
parnala, i. 320 
parbatiya, ii. 86 
parbbu, i. 322 
parson, iii. 265 
palang, i. 199, 349; ii. 119 
palanga^l, ii. 119 
palan, ii. 349 
pacji, i. 135, 260; ii. 185 
pasiba (VpravicJ, i. 316 
pastavanen, i. 218 
pastis, ii. 140 
paharti, ii. 36, 38 
paharyo, i. 267 ; ii. 142 
pahira, i. 131 

pahirana, etc., i. 177 ; ii. 69, 70 
pahila, i. 181, 138, 267; ii. 142 
pahun, ii. 258 
pahunchna, etc., i. 276, 343 ; iii. 

-pa, ii. 71, 75 
pa, pav, pam, etc. (\/prap)> i. 202 ; 

iii. 18, 41 
Vpa, iii. 44, 228 




pal, i. 262 

pan, ii. 144 

p&U3, i. 256 

pa&n, ii. 144 

pae, ib. 

paus, pavas (prayyish), i. 165 

panv, i. 255, 256 

pakad, i. 133 

pakhl, ii. 154 

pagalanii, ii. 77 

pachhe, ii. 297 

panch, ii. 132 

panchvan, ii. 248 

pat, i. 273 

patalo, ii. 119 

patavinen, etc., i. 320 

pata, i. 153 

path, i. 162, 315 

pada, i. 224 

pa^ahu, ii. 36 

pado, ii. 150 

padhna, ii. 37 

pfcjlhi, ii. 85 

pan, pan (parna), i. 343 ; ii. 14 

pan (atman), i. 330 ; ii. 328 

p^nl, pani, i. 149, 152 ; ii. 125, 

papl, ii. 85, 165 
paras, i. 356 
parecho, ii. 110 
parkhanen, i. 145 
palanu, i. 247 
palan, i. 349 
pas, etc. (par^ve), i. 183, 355 ; ii. 

25, 299 
paha<J, i. 154, 260 
pahun, ii. 258 
pahuna, i. 343 
pahon, ii. 299 
pi, (api), i. 175 
pi (Vpa), i. 240, 241, 242 ; iii. 44 

pin (pita), i. 165, 187, 202 ; ii. 

58, 187, 194 
pik, pika (v'pach), i. 129 ; ii. 25 ; 

iii. 38 
pichhala, ii. 101 
pichhe, ii. 297 
pinanu, ii. 60 
pinjara, i. 130 
pit, i. 162 ; iii. 63 
pitth, etc. (prishtha), i. 162, 165, 

pitiya, ii. 90 
pindhiba, i. 177 
pinro, ii. 345 
pippala, ii. 24 
piyara, ii. 94 

piyasa, i. 187, 203 ; ii. 81, 82 
pirthi, i. 145 
pirbhu (parvan), i. 131, 322, 352 ; 

ii. 60 
pilsaj, i. 276 
pilana, i. 240 ; iii. 80 
pisai, ii. 63 
pistalis, ii. 140 

pih (VpravicJ,i. 316; iii. 38, 139 
pijanen, i. 240 
pi (priya), ii. 156 
pi (v^pa), i. 240 ; iii. 44 
pichhe, ii. 297 
pit, i. 162 ; iii. 63 
pith, etc. (prishtha), i. 162, 315 
pltho, iii. 139 
pid, ii. 48, 50 

pi<janu, etc. (\Zp^)> l - 240 ; ii- 50 
plgha, i. 270 
pldho, iii. 141 
plpala, ii. 24 
plla, i. 243 
pllha, i. 323 

plh, pis (Vpiah), i- 259 ; iii. 139 
pua, i. 337 



puan, ii. 297 

putru, i. 103 

putreto, ib. 

puth, puthi (priahtha), i. 315 

putfhait, ii. 104 

-pun, -puna, ii. 71, 75 

put, i. 337 

putali, etc., i. 133 

putura, i. 172, 158 

punish, ii. 199 

puruahatah, ii. 76 

pusanen, i. 218 ; iii. 40 

puhap, puhup (pushpa), i. 191, 

307, 331 
puhukar, i. 307 

puchh, etc. (prachh), i. 218 ; iii. 40 
pujari, ii. 58 
punaii, ii. 174 
pura, i. 343, 344 
purba, ii. 25 
purjanu, iii. 71 
pekkh, i. 162 
petau, petu, ii. 42, 112 
petho, i. 316 ; iii. 139, 144 
pe<J, i. 135 
penth, i. 139 
penu, ii. 38 
pern, ii. 61 

pelana, etc., i. 240 ; ii. 36 
pelo, ii. 340 

pec, (pravicj, i. 316 ; iii. 38 
peharavun, i. 177 
pehelo, i. 138, 167 ; ii. 142, 344 
pai, ii. 298 
painsath, i. 168 
paith (^pravig), i. 316 ; iii. 38 
pain^ha, i. 168 
paintalis, i. 168, 215, 292 
paintis, ib. 
pairak, ii. 43 
-po, ii. 71 

poe, ii. 297 

pokhar, i. 133, 306 

pona, ii. 144 

pota,i. 158; ii. 343, 344 

pothl, i. 313; ii. 29, 202 

poner, ii. 134 

poh, i. 259 

pohe, i. 135, 260 

paune, ii. 144 


phakanu, i. 276 

phat, etc. (v/sphat), i. 308; iii. 53 

pha<J, etc. (id.) t ib. 

phana, ii. 9 

phanas, i. 192 

phandrul, ii. 100 

phas, etc. (^spjiah), i. 307, 355 

phaskemi, ii. 77 

phansl, etc., i. 355 ; ii. 8 

phank, ii. 191 

phat (\Zsphat), i. 308 ; iii. 53 

phatak, i. 308 ; ii. 31 

pha<J, etc., i. 308 ; iii. 53 

phandna, i. 307 

phal, pliar, i. 247 ; ii. 8 

phalli, i. 355 ; ii. 8 

phit, (Vsphat), i. 308 ; iii. 53 

phut (\Zsphut), i. 308 ; iii. 53 

phup (pushpa), i. 307, 331 

phul, i. 151, 152 

phenkna, i. 276 

pher, iii. 56 

pho4, i. 307 ; iii. 54 

phocja, i. 307 ; ii. 29, 30 

pho4u, ii. 38 


bak, i. 252 

bakara, etc., i. 131, 144, 319; ii. 
22, 150, 162 



bagaja, i. 252 

baghitala, iii. 143 

bacha, bachha, etc., i. 153, 317; 

ii. 9, 121, 151 

bachana, etc., i. 178, 211 

baj, bij (Vvad), i. 328 ; iii. 66 

bajhanu, i. 328 ; iii. 48,137 

bajho, iii. 137 

bate, i. 164, 216 

batna, etc., i. 164; ii. 62 

bathan, i. 178 

bad (vata), i. 199 ; ii. 8 

bada (vriddha), i. 163 ; ii. 72, 79 

ba<jhat, i. 334 ;. ii. 155, 165 
badhapanu, ii. 72 

badhin, ii. 165 

banian, ii. 187 

baniain, ii. 168 

bat- (vartta in comp.), i. 151 

battt, i. 154, 334 

battls, i. 331 ; ii. 138, 142 

badho, iii. 137 

banana, iii. 78 

bandhanu, etc., i. 300 ; iii. 48 

banna, iii. 78 

bapautl, ii. 107 

bar, ii. 12 

baras, barsa, etc. (varsha), i. 173, 

355 ; ii. 9, 14 
bare than, ii. 165 
barochu, ii. 168 
barkha, etc. (varsha), i. 261, 355; 

ii. 9 
barchhait, ii. 103 
barj, i. 352 
barhyu, i. 355 
balad, ii. 199 
bala, ii. 206 
bali, i. 182 
bavanja, i. 331 
bahattar, i. 288, 331 

bahangi, i. 131 

bahin, i. 138, 155, 183, 202, 266 ; 

ii. 170 
bahira, i. 138,267; ii. 13 
bahu, bahu, etc. (vadhu), i. 183 ; 

ii. 55, 184, 216, 226 
ba- (dvi in comp.), i. 253, 288, 

331 ; ii. 138 
baa (vayu), i. 147 ; ii. 54 
baiida, baiila, etc. (v&tula), ii. 100 
bans, etc., ii. 8, 121, 164 
bansuli, ii. 121 
banh, i. 182; ii. 54, 173 
bag, i. 183, 323 : ii. 49 
bagun, i. 133 

b&gh, i. 320, 351; ii. 21, 165, 169 
bachhurt, i. 133 
bachhna, i. 351 
bajh, i. 359 
banjha, i. 327 
ba<Jho, ii. 155 
bat, i. 164, 182 ; ii. 49 
bati, i. 182 ; ii. 49 
badal, i. 145 
bandhna, i. 300 

bap, ii. 191, 215 

baph, i. 191, 307, 331 

baM, ii. 152, 192, 204 

bayako, ii. 161, 192 

bayan, ii. 26 

baranu, i. 324 

barah, etc. (dvadaqa), i. 243, 331 ; 
ii. 134, 138, 246 

balak, ii. 199, 201 

balantapan, ii. 73 

balapan, i. 330 ; ii. 72 

bali, balu (baluka), i. 147 ; ii. 89 

balna, i. 324 

babot), ii. 122 

bi- (dvi in comp.), i. 331 
| bio, ii. 143 



bikat, i. 182 

bikav, ii. 64 

biku, ii. 10, 157 

bikh, i. 261 ; ii. 8, 174 

bigatf, etc. (Vvighat), i. 273; ii. 

36, 70 ; iii. 61 
bichhana, ii. 70 
bichhu&, etc. (v^chika), ii. 146, 

bijli (vidyut), i. 146, 181, 182,* 

bitapan, ii. 74 
bitna, i. 351 

bind!, i. 147 ; ii. 54, 174 
bindhaj, ii. 94 
biranave, i. 831 ; ii. 139 
birds!, ib. 
birt, i. 166 
bilaito, ii. 104 
bis, ii. 174 
bih, i. 242 
bihan, i. 202 
bihan, ii. 16 
bih! (t/bb!), iii. 68 
bihu, ii. 8 

b!j (v!ja), i. 331 ; ii. 143 
b!s (vincrti), i. 155; ii. 137, 140 
b!svan, ii. 248 
bujh (\/budh), i. 273, 328 ; ii. 66, 

107; iii. 48, 137 
bujhail, ii. 96 
bujhanti, ii. 66, 107 
bud, bud, etc., i. 132, 276 ; iii. 

bugdfta, etc. (vyiddha), i. 163; 

ii. 159 
buflhapan, i. 330 ; ii. 72, 73 
bund, bund (yindu), i. 135; ii. 

54, 174 
bundhanu, iii. 48, 137 
bulana/i. 211; iii. 78 

be, i. 331 

beal!s, i. 331 ; ii. 139 

beiisa, i. 143 

beng, i. 351 

beob, iii. 64 

beta, ii. 186, 204, 228 

bet!, ii. 207 \ 

bettta, ii. 41 

beduk, ii. 44 

be<£ha, i. 273, 316 

beparl, i. 351 

ber, i. 142 ; ii. 22 

bel, i. 157 

belna, ii. 17 

behen, i. 138, 202 

beher&, i. 138 ; ii. 13 

baigun, i. 167 

baith (Vupavig), i. 179, 241, 242, 

316; ii. 31 ; iii. 38 
bokar, i. 319 ; ii. 22 
bona, i. 158, 200 
bol (Vbru), iii. 37 
byontna, i. 144 
byorfc, i. 143 


bhanv (\/bhram), iii. 34 
bhanvara (bhramara), i. 320; ii. 

bnanvai, ii. 55 
bbago, iii. 137 
bhagat, i. 287 
bhang (\/bhanj), iii. 39 
bhajanu, ii. 38 ; iii. 50, 1 37 
bhananu, ib. 
bhanj, iii. 39 
bhafaku, ii. 37 
bhatua^!, ii. 117 
bhatti, i. 154 



bhatfua, ii. 39 

bhatija, i. 161, 165 

bhanvai, ii. 155 

bhabftt, i. 145 

bham (^/bhram), iii. 34 

bhay, ii. 10, 222 

bhayau, iii. 195 

bhar, ii. 19, 20, 38, 51, 70, 108, 

bharam (y^bbram), iii. 34 
bhaiyatu, ii. 109 
bhala, ii. 73, 79 
bhavun, ii. 55 
bhaityo, i. 161, 165 
bhaito, ii. 103 
bhai, bhati, etc. (bhratyi), i. 202, 

320; ii. 58, 103, 155, 193, 194 
bhafij, i. 165 
bhakha, i. 261 

bhag, bhang (t/bhanj), iii 39 
bhag (bhagya), ii. 78 
bhajavat, ii. 67 
bhajti, ii. 38 
bhanft, ib. 

bhad, bbada, i. 199 ; ii. 29, 30 
bhanda, i. 199 
bhandami, ii. 77 
bhantfo, ii. 29 
bhandpania, ii. 73 
bhat, i. 286 
bhaph, i. 191, 331 
bhar, ii. 40, 199 
bharua, ii. 40 
bhala, ii. 9 
bhalft, ii. 39 
bhav, ii. 14 
bhavi, ii. 170 
bhayin, ii. 170, 231 
bhasha, i. 261 
bhikart, i. 152 
bhig, bhij, etc., i. 176; iii. 81 

bhi<J, iii. 63 

bhinoi, ii. 155 

Vbhi, iii. 9 

bhikh (bhiksha), i. 152 

bhitar, i. 176, 184 

bhukha^o, ii. 119 

bhugo, iii. 137 

bhujanu, iii. 50 

bhunanu, ib. 

bhunik&tu, ii. 64 

bhulanu, ii. 52 

VTM,' iii. 33, 194 

bhd, bhdtn, etc. (bhfoni), i. 257 ; 

ii. 52, 89, 184 
bhtt, bhttna, ii. 51 
bhejna, i. 328 ; iii. 65 
bhed, iii. 63 
bhecja, i. 316 
bhecjuya, ii. 39 
bhenu, i. 187,202; ii. 194 
bhent, iii. 63 
bhains, i. 192 
bhain, i. 187 
bholi^o, ii. 117 
bhaun (y^bhram), iii. 34 
bhaun, bhaunh (bhru), ii. 55 
bhaunr (bhramara), i. 320; ii. 

bhauni, i. 202 


ma, ii. 302 

makhi, i. 218, 310; ii. 34 
mag, ii. 8 

maghar, i. 323, 354 
mananu, i. 319; ii. 19 
machav, ii. 64 
machhua, ii. 39, 40 
maj (pron.), ii. 302 



majjh, majhi, etc., (madhye), i. 

327 ; ii. 305 
majhar, ii. 293 
majhoia, i. 327; ii. 100 
manjan, etc., i. 149, 319 
manjharo, ii. 100 
matti, i. 162, 333 ; ii. 35 
math, i. 270 
Hiatal, ii. 24 
mat, ii. 52 

matho, i. 313 ; ii. 29, 195, 213 
madlm, ii. 191, 295 
manautt, ii. 107 
mandir, ii. 22 
mandhiado, ii. 117 
mamataiu, ii. 91 
mar (v/mji), iii. 55 
maretho, ii. 169 
marhanu, ii. 51 
malna (gma^ana), i. 348 
masur, i. 133 
mahangd, etc. (mahargha), i. 149 

maMtam, ii. 77 
mahadeya^o, ii. 119 
mahima, ii. 152 
mahuft, ii. 40 
mahfi&, i. 150 
mahoba, i. 317 
majanen, i. 243 
ma, mat, ma{i, etc. (mata), i. 

165,202; ii 48, 58, 187, 191, 

-ma, ii. 244 
-man, ii. 292 
manhi, ii. 294 
manhain, %b. 
makhi, i. 310 ; ii. 34 
magen, ii. 110 
m&gitala, iii. 143 
mageM, ii. 110 

mag, mang, etc. (\/myig), i. 319 ; 

•iii. 40 
m&chhl, i. 218; ii. 34 
machhua, ii. 39 
maj (mfij), i. 319; iii. 9 
majh, i. 327 ; ii. 312 
manjh, ii. 293 
manjhail, ii. 97 
m&\\, ii. 35 
matha, i. 267 
manhipo, ii. 72 
mat, ii. 48, 217, 218 
matha, i. 313 ; ii. 29 
-man (plur.), ii. 199, 280, 316 
mapna, i. 206 
mamn, ii. 39 

mama, i. 181 ; ii. 36, 50 ; iii. 55 
maro, ii. 306, 312 
mala, ii. 48, 216 
mall, ii. 154, 165, 193, 195 
ma$l, i. 218, 310; ii. 34 
masuk, ii. 232 
maso (matsya), i. 218 
-mi, ii. 384 
michha, i. 327 
mit, mith, etc., 162 ; iii. 63 
mitti, i. 162, 333; ii. 35 
mithas, ii. 82 
micjyot, ii. 340 
minro, ii. 345 
mirun, ii. 72, 226 
misar (migra), i. 357 
ml, ii. 302, 308 
minh, i. 266 
mlchh, i. 327 
mu, mui, ii. 302, 304 
mua (myita), i. 165 ; iii. 144 
munh, i. 266 
mukhiii, i. 322 
mukhi, ii. 88, 89 
mugalani, ii. 166 



mugdar, etc. (mudgara), i. 286 

mujh, ii. 302, 304, 306 

muthi, i. 315 

munda, ii. 187 

muncjasa, ii. 83 

mnnolu, ii. 86 

mntas, ii. 82 

murela, ii. 121 

musann, iii. 51 

mun, ii. 302, 304 

mugara, i. 286 

muchh, i. 135 

muth, i. 191, 315 

mudh, i. 286 ; ii. 72 

mut, i. 152, 338 

murkh, ii. 72 

murchh, i. 172 

mill, i. 351 

musal, i. 155 

miisa, ii. 9 

men, ii. 292 

menhi, ii. 92 

mejanen, i. 139 

mera, ii. 312, 313, 314 

melon, i. 165 

mo, ii. 802, 313 

mokh, i. 307 

moti, i. 287 ; ii. 34, 157, 206 

modi, ii. 154 

mor, i. 144 

moho<Jun, ii. 118, 189 

mhananen, i. 192 

mhatala, iii. 151 

mhatara, ii. 73 

mharo, ii. 312, 314 

mhains, i. 192 

-yal, ii. 100 
yah, ii. 317, 336 

Vya, iii. 36, 213 

-ya, ii. 83, 88 

yarahan, i. 260 ; ii. 246 

yahi, ii. 319 

yih, ii. 336 

yue, ib. 

ye, ii. 317, 319 

yenen, ii. 249 

-yo, ii. 83 

yog, i. 249 


rati, ii. 194 

rakat, i. 171 

rakh, etc. (\Zrakah), iii. 41 

rat, etc., i. 228 

ra4, etc., ib. 

rand, i. 299 ; ii. 48 

randapo, ii. 72, 73 

ratan, i. 171 

rato, i. 287 

ran, i. 179, 341 

rana, i. 299 ; ii. 48, 72 

rassl, ii. 148 

Vrah, i. 131, 138; ii. 38, 42; 

iii. 40 
rahat, i. 179, 266 
rau, 'i. 202 
rant, i. 202 ; ii. 127 
rani, i. 202 

rakh (raksha), ii. 48, 119 
raja, i. 202; ii. 60, 152, 184, 199 
rid, i. 228 

racjh, ra4hi, i. 228 ; ii. 86 
ranfl, i. 299 ; ii. 48, 72 
ran^apa, ii. 72 
rat, i. 337 ; ii. 52, 112, 203, 206, 

rata, i. 287 



ran, i. 179, 341 

rani, i. 303 

ravat, i. 202 

ras, i. 348 

rah, iii. 40 

richh, i. 310; ii. 14 

rinu, i. 179, 341 

rtchh, i. 218, 310; ii. 14 

lis, ib. 

-ru, ii. 273 

ruanu, i. 202 

rukhi, ii. 341 

Vruch, iii. 19, 23 

nnjhl, ii. 222 

y'rud, iii. 16, 24 

Vrudh, iii. 20 

runo, iii. 138 

rulana, i. 241 

rusino, ii. 17 

rudh, i. 316 

-re, ii. 292 

rekh, regh, etc. (rekha), i. 272; 

ii. 48 
rent, i. 266 
renta, i. 179 
rendi, i. 180 
ret, reti, ii. 92, 94, 101 
retal, rettla, ib. 
retua, ii. 40 
reh (Vrah), i. 138 ; ii. 48, 49 ; 

iii. 40 
-ro, ii. 217, 281, 284 
roan (roman), i. 257 
roas, ii. 82 
rogi, ii. 85 
rona, i. 202, 241 ; ii. 82 

lakhavun, i. 266 
lakhotl, ii. 123 

v/lag, i. 300 ; ii. 260 ; iii. 34, 216 

lagatl, ii. 53 

lagin, i. 172 

lagan, ii. 261 

lajaju, ii. 92 

lajlla, ii. 97 

lafakna, i. 228 ; ii. 32 

lath, i. 250, 315 

ladka, i. 228 ; ii. 72, 201 

Wcju, i. 228 

ladhanen, i. 228 ; ii. 44 

lad, ii. 20 ; iii. 61 

ladho, i. 268 ; iii. 137 

lanu, ii. 299 

labhanu, iii. 49, 137 

lahanu, i. 268 ; iii. 49, 137 

lahar, i. 131, 138 

-la, ii. 253, 260 

-lal, ib. 

lakh, i. 152 

lag (t/lag), i. 300; ii. 51, 52; 

iii. 34 
lagin, ii. 260 
laj, ii. 49, 92 
lathi, i. 241, 250, 315 
1&4, ii. 100, 101 
ladl, ii. 85 
lat, i. 248 ; ii. 49 
latho, i. 269 
lala, ii. 152 
lahanu, i. 269 
likhna, i. 266 
lit, Hd, iii. 64 
lito, iii. 138 
Vlip, iii. 59, 138 
lidho, iii. 141 
lila, i. 228 
luchha, ii. 72, 77 
luhancja, ii. 125 
luha, ii. 15 
luka, i. 173, 180 



lut, i. 248 

lfin, i. 144, 248 

lusanu, iii. 51 

luhanu, %b. 

le (v/labh), i. 248, 268; iii. 49, 219 

-lo, ii. 281, 287 

lok, ii. 8, 28, 200 

long, i. 143, 191 

Ion, lona, i. 148, 144; ii. 83, 

111, 156 
loha, ii. 15, 30 
lohi, ii. 92 
lohn, ii. 15 
lau, ii. 261 
lanng, i. 143 
launch, i. 228 

For words not found under V, look 
under B. 

vakhad, i. 252 
vagacjlna, i. 273 
vanga}, i. 252 
vati, i. 334 ; ii. 72 
vato, i. 164 
ya^ho, iii. 138 
yacjhai, i. 334 
vanati, ii. 53 
vathu, ii. 202 
yar, ii. 298 
varihoko, ii. 112 
varls, i. 173 
vara, i. 182 
varttanuk, ii. 44 
varhyu, ii. 14 
Vvas, i. 252; iii. 138 
vasati, ii. 53 
vasandi, ii. 54 
vastu, ii. 190 

vah, ii. 118, 334 

vahan, ii. 336 

vahitru, ii. 45 

vahu, i. 183, 267 ; ii. 55, 161, 190 

vai, ii. 54 

vaii, i. 147; ii. 54, 158, 194 

-van, ii. 244, 247 

vagh, ii. 170 

yaghu, ii. 195 

vachajti, ii. 92 

vachchha, i. 153 

yajatu, ii. 45 

vanch, iii. 68 

vanjh, i. 327 

vatanen, i. 164 

vatsaru, ii. 192, 217 

va<Jho, i. 334 ; ii. 30, 202 

yaniko, ii. HI 

vat, i. 334 ; ii. 99 

vatul, ii. 99 

vadaja, i. 145 

vapfi-riko, ii. Ill 

vaph, i. 307 

v&ya^l, ii. 119 

vaii, i. 147 

varyasa, ii. 114 

vasera, u. 99 

vahipo, i. 330 ; ii. 72 

vikin (\Zvikrt), iii. 64 

\Zvighat;, iii. 61 

-vich, ii. 292 

vichu, vinchu, i. 146, 307 ; ii. 

193, 203 
viju, ii. 117, 194 
vijuli, i. 327 
vinainn, u. 42 ; in. 71 
vitthal, i. 347 
vidahanu, ii. 38 
virau, i. 166 
virchhanu, i. 351 ; ii. 42 
vih, i. 242 ; iii. 139 



vihu, ii. 8, 174 

vinu, ii. 194 

vth, i. 259; ii. 137, 140 

vutho, iii. 138 

vuh, ii. 336 

ve, ii. 318, 319 

vekiro, ii. 81 

vetho, i. 179; iii. 139 

yeru, ii. 112 

vevasay, i. 143 

V^ak, iii. 16, 36 

gatavis, i. 289 

Vgad, iii. 57 

gambhar, i. 297 ; ii. 137 

gahanapan, ii. 73 

ganygi, ii. 140 

g&nnav, ii. 140 

g&g, i. 358 

gal, ii. 50 

gi<Jt, i. 273 

gih, ii. 132 

-gin, ii. 271 

gins, i. 354 

Vgikh, iii. 68 

Vgiv, ib. 

gun, sun (^<;T\x) f i. 357 ; iii. 15, 

i8, 24, 28, 41 
Vgtifihk, iii. 39 

get (kshetra), i. 218, 310; ii. 35 
go, ii. 324 
goi'ba, i. 199 


shaith, i. 315 
ahola, i. 243; ii. 134 


sak, etc (\/gak), iii. 36, 223 

saga?, i- 1^8, 207 

saga, i. 358 

sagauti, ii. 108 

saghanu, ii. 51 ; iii. 36 

sange, i. 184; ii. 275 

sach (satya), i. 327 ; ii. 109 

sajya, i. 136 ; ii. 49 

sajhaito, ii. 103 

satth, i. 315 ; ii. 137, 246 

sa<J, iii. 57 

sadsath, i. 289, 293 

santfhu, i. 356 

sat-, satt-, etc. (sapfan in comp.), 

i. 253, 288, 289, 290, 293 ; ii. 

133, 134, 137, 141 
sane, ii. 275 
sannh., i. 299 
sapu, i. 319 
sape^a, i. 149 
sapota, ii. 121 
sab, sabh, etc. (sarva), i. 351, 852; 

ii. 25, 200, 258, 340, 341 
samajhna, i. 211, 327; ii. 37, 107 
samaran, i. 347 
samundar, ii. 21 
same, i. 140 
samuha, ii. 200 
sambala, iii. 68 
sar, sar (\/8ri), iii. 55 
sarason, i. 355 
sarahna, i. 171, 266, 358 
sava, i. 100 ; ii. 144 
sasu, i. 358 ; ii. 194 
sasur, i. 358 ; ii. 22 
sahanu, ii. 38 
sahanen, i. 155 
saln/i. 257; ii. 154 
sag, ii. 108 



sanjh, i. 273, 328 ; ii. 50 

sath, i. 315 ; ii. 137 

s&ijhu, i. 356 

sacjhe, i. 273 ; ii. 144 

sat (saptan), i. 133 ; ii. 236, 288 

samp, i. 319; ii. 121 

samhne, ii. 298 

sasara, i. 358 ; ii. 193, 216 

sasii, i. 358; ii. 192,216 

sikhanu, i. 242 ; iii. 80 

singh,' i. 160,262; ii. 14 

sir, ii. 50 

-sin, ii.272 

sis, i. 354, 359 

sukka, etc., i. 307 ; ii. 13 ; iii. 39 

sunanu, etc. (vV^)* *• 356; iii- 

50, 138 
sunto, ii. 219, 235, 310 
suar, i. 206 
sul, i. 187, 191, 202 
sujha, i 328 
-se, ii. 274 
se, ii. 318, 334 
sekhane, ii. 337 
setha, ih. 

sendh, i. 134, 299 
so, ii. 314, 322, 337 
so (\/svap), i. 199 ; iii. 36 
sona (suvarna), i. 241, 843, 358; 

ii. 15, 30 

sonar, i. 201 ; ii. 126 
solah, i. 243; ii. 134 
l/sthambh, iii. 60 
v/stha, iii. 34, 208 
Vsphaf, etc., iii. 53, 57 

hagas, ii. 82 
hacha, ii. 159, 203 
hato, iii. 177 
hattar, i. 291, 293 
ham, etc., ii. 302, 307, 309, 312 
halanu, ii. 19, 53 
ha, ii. 317, 336 
ha<J, i. 317 

han<Ja, i. 268 ; ii. 148 
hath, i. 268, 313; ii. 91, 109 
hathi, i. 268, 313 ; ii. 153, 164 
hani, ii. 52 
hiya, i. 202; ii. 117 
hnndi, i. 268 
hunto, ii. 219, 234 
heth, ii. 298 

ho, hua, etc., (\/bhu), L 268 ; ii. 
236, 318; iii. 33, 197 

hai (V as )> iii- 173 

haun, etc., ib. 

hvai, hraihai, etc., «i. 






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Society. By Dr. H. N. van der Tuuk.— V. Translation of the Amit&bha Sutra from the Chinese. 
By the Rev. 8. Beal, Chaplain Royal Navy.— VI. The initial coinage of Bengal. By Edward 
Thomas, Esq.— VII. Specimens of on Assyrian Dictionary. By Edwin Norris, Esq.— VIII. On 
the Relations of the Priests to the other classes of Indian Society in the Vedic age By J. Muir, 
Esq.— IX. On the Interpretation of the Veda. By the same.— X. An attempt to Translate 
from the Chinese a work known as the Confessional Services of the great compassionate Kwan 
Tin, possessing 1000 hands and 1000 eyes: By the Rev. 8. Beal, Chaplain Royal Navy. 
— XI. The Hymns of the Gaupayanas and the Legend of King Asamati. By Professor Max 
MCMer, M.A., Honorary Member Royal Asiatic Society.— XII. Specimen Chapters of an Assyrian 
Grammar. By the Rev. E. Hincks, D.D., Honorary Member Royal Asiatic Society. 

Vol. III. In Two Parts, pp. 6 16, sewed. With Photograph. 1868. 22*. 

Coxtkkts.— I. Contributions towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot. 
— II. Remarks on the Indo-Chinese Alphabets. By Dr. A. Bastian.— III. The poetry of 
Mohamed Rabadan, Arragonese. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IV. Catalogue of the Oriental 
Manuscripts in the Library of King's College, Cambridge. By Edward Henry Palmer, B.A , 
Scholar of St. John's College, Cambridge ; Member of the Royal Asiatic Society , Membre de la 
Boci6t6 Asiatlque de Paris.— V. Description of the Amravati Tope in Guntur. By J. Fergusson, 
Esq., F.R.8.— VI. Remarks on Prof. Brockhaus' edition of the Rathasarit-sagara, Lambaka IX. 
XVIII. By Dr. H. Kern, Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Ley den. —VII. The source 
of Colebrooke's Essay " On the Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow." By Fitzedward Hall, Esq., 
M.A., D.C.L. Oxon. Supplement : Further detail of proofs that Colebrooke's Essay, " On the 
Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow," was not indebted to the Viv&dabhangarnava. By Fitz- 
edward Hall, Esq.— VIII. The 8ixth Hymn of the First Book of the Rig Veda. By Professor 
Max Mailer, M.A. Hon. M.R.A.8.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions. By E. Thomas, Esq.— X. Ac- 
count of an Embassy from Morocco to Spain in 1090 and 1691. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— 
XI. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— XII. 
Materials for the History of India for the Six Hundred Tears of Mohammadan rule, previous to 
the Foundation of the British Indian Empire. By Major W. Nassau Lees, LL.D., Ph.D.— XIII. 
A Few Words concerning the Hill people inhabiting the Forests of the Cochin State. By 
Captain G. E. Fryer, Madras Staff Corps, M.R.A.8.— XIV. Notes on the Bhojpurf Dialect of 
Hindi, spoken in Western Bebar. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S., Magistrate of Chumparun* 

Vol. IV. In Two Parte, pp. 521, sewed. 1869-70. 16*. 

Contbnts.— I. Contribution towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot. 
Part II.— II. On Indian Chronology. By J. Fergusson, Esq., F.R.8.— III. The Poetry of 
Mohamed Rabadan of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. 8tanley.— IV. On the Magar Language 
of Nepal. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.8.— V. Contributions to the Knowledge of Parsee Lite- 
rature. By Edward Sachau, Ph.D.— VI. Illustrations of the Lamaist System in Tibet, drawn 
from Chinese Sources. By Wm. Frederick Mayers, Esq., of H.B.M. Consular Service, China.— 
VII. Khuddaka Patha, a Pali Text, with a Translation and Notes. By R. C. Chimera, late of 
the Ceylon Civil Service.— VIII. An Endeavour to elucidate Rashiduddin's Geographical Notices 
of India. By Col. H. Yule, C.B.-IX. Sassanian Inscriptions explained by the Pahlavt of the 
Parsls. By E. W. West, Esq.— X. Some Account of the Senbvu Pagoda at Mengun, near the 
Burmese Capital, in a Memorandum by Capt. E. H. 81adan, Political Agent at Mandate; with 
Remarks on the Subject by Col. Henry Yule, C.B. — XI. The Brhat-Sanhita ; or, Complete 
System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-Mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. 
H. Kern. -XII. The Mohammedan Law of Evidence, and its influence on the Administration of 

4 Linguistic Publications of Trubner 8f Co., 

Justice In India. By N. B. £. Baillle, Esq.— XIII. The Mohammedan Law of Evidence In eon 
neetion with the Administration of Justice to Foreigners. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq.— XIV. A 
Translation of a Bactrian Pali Inscription. By Prof. J. Dowson.— XV. Indo-Parthian Coins. 
By E. Thomas, Esq. 

Vol. V. In Two Parts, pp. 463, sewed. With 10 fall-page and folding Plates. 

1871-2. 18*. 6* 

Contents.— I. Two Jatakas. The original Pill Text, with an English Translation. By V. 
Fausboll.— II. On an Ancient Buddhist Inscription at Keu-yung kwan, in North China. By A. 
Wy lie.— III. The Brhat Sanhitt; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-Mihira 
Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— IV. The Pongol Festival in Southern 
India. By Charles E. Gorer.— V. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Bight 
Bon. Lord Stanley of Alder ley.— VI. Essay on the Creed and Customs of the Jangams. By 
Charles P. Brown.— VII. On Malabar, Coromandel, Quilon, etc. By C. P. Brown.— VIII. On 
the Treatment of the Nexus in the Neo-Aryan Languages of India. By John Beames, B.C.S. — 
IX. Some Remarks on the Great Tope at Sanchi. By the Rev. S. Beal.— X. Ancient Inscriptions 
from Mathura. Translated by Professor J. Dowson.— Note to the Mathura Inscriptions. By 
Major-General A. Cunningham.— XI. Specimen of a Translation of the Adi Granth. By Dr. 
Ernest Trumpp.— XII. Notes on Dhammapada, with Special Reference to the Question of Nir- 
vana. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— XIII. The Brhat-Sanhita ; or, 
Complete 8ystem of Natural Astrology of Varaha-mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English 
by Dr. H. Kern.— XIV. On the Origin of the Buddhist Arthakathas. By the Mudliar L. Comrilla 
vijasinha. Government Interpreter to the Ratnapura Court, Ceylon. With an Introduction by 
R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— XV. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of 
Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley. -XVI. Proverbia Communis 8yriaca. 
By Captain R. F. Burton. -XVII. Notes on an Ancient Indian Vase, with an Account of the En- 
graving thereupon. By Charles Home, M.R.A.S., late of the Bengal Civil Service.— XVI II. 
The Bhar Tribe. By the Rev. M. A. 8herring, LL.D , Benares. Communicated by C. Home, 
M.R.A.S., late B.C.S.— XIX. Of Jihad in Mohammedan Law, and its application to British 
India. By N. B. E. Baillie.— XX. Comments on Recent Pehlvi Decipherments. With an Inci- 
dental Sketch of the Derivation of Aryan Alphabets. And Contributions to the Early History 
and Geography of Tabaristan. Illustrated by Coins. By E. Thomas, F.R.8. 

Vol. VI., Part 1, pp. 212, sewed, with two plates and a map. 1872. 8*. 

Contknts.— The Ishmaelites. and the Arabic Tribes who Conquered their Country. By A. 
Sprenger.— A Brief Account of Four Arabic Works on the History and Geography of Arabia. 
By Captain S. B. Miles.— On the Methods of Disposing of the Dead at Llassa, Thibet, etc. By 
Charles Home, late B.C.S. The Brhat-Sanhita ; or, Complete 8ystem of Natural Astrology of 
Varaha-mihira, Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— Notes on Hwen 
Th»ang's Account of the Principalities of Tokharistan, in which some Previous Geographical 
Identifications are Reconsidered. By Colonel Yule, C.B.— The Campaign of JSlius Gallus in 
Arabia. By A. 8prenger.— An Account of Jerusalem, Translated for the late Sir H. M. Elliott 
from the Persian Text of Nasir ibn Khusrfl's Safanamah by the late Major A. R. Fuller.— The 
Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley. 

Vol. VI., Part II., pp. 213 to 400 and lxxiiv., sewed. Illustrated with a Map, 
Plates, and Woodcuts. 1873. 8*. 

Contents. - On Hiouen-Thsang's Journey from Patna to Ballabhl. By James Fergnsson, 
D.C.L., F.R.S. - Northern Buddhism. [Note from Colonel H. Tule, addressed to the Secretary.] 
—Hwen Thsang's Account of the Principalities of Tokharistan, etc. By Colonel H. Tule, C.B*.— 
The Brhat-Sanhita ; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology of Varaha-mihira. Translated 
from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— The Initial Coinage of Bengal, under the Early 
Muhammadan Conquerors. Part II. Embracing the preliminary period between a.h. 614-634 
(a. d. 1 2 1 7-1 236-7 ) . By Edward Thomas, F.R.S.— The Legend of Dipafikara Buddha. Translated 
from the Chinese (and intended to illustrate Plates xxix. and l., * Tree and Serpent Worship '). 
By 8. Beal.— Note on Art. IX., ante pp. 213-274 on Hiouen-Thsang's Journey from Patna to 
Ballabhi. By James Fergusaon D.C.L., F.R.S.— Contributions towards a Glossary of the 
Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot. 

Vol. VII., Part I., pp. 170 and 24, sewed. With a plate. 1874. 8*. 

Contents.— The Upasampad6-KammavGc6, being the Buddhist Manual of the Form and 
Manner of Ordering of Priests and Deacons. The Pali Text, with a Translation and Notes. 
By J. F. Dickson, B.A., sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford, now of the Ceylon Civil 
Service.— Notes on the Megalithio Monuments of the Coimbatore District. Madras. By M. J. 
Walhouse, late Madras C.8.— Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. I. On the Formation of 
the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— The Pali 
Text of the MaMparinibb&na Sutta and Commentary, with a Translation. By R. C. Childers, 
late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— The Brihat-Sanhita ; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology 
or Varaha-mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— Note on the 
Valley of Choombi. By Dr. A. Campbell, late Superintendent of Darjeeling.— The Name of the 
Twelfth Imam on the Coinage of Egypt. By H. Sauvaire and Stanley Lane Poole.— Three 
Inscriptions of Parakrama Bftbu the Great from Pulastipura, Ceylon (date circa 1180 a.d.). By 
T. W. Rhys Davids.— Of the Kharaj or Muhammadan Land Tax; its Application to British 
India, and Effect on the Tenure of Land. By N. B. E. Baillie.— Appendix : A Specimen of a 
Syriac Version of the Kalilah wa-Dimnah, with an English Translation. By W. Wright. 

57 and 59, Ludgate Hill, London, E.C* S 

Vol. VII., Part II., pp. 191 to 394, sewed. With seven plates and a map. 1875. 8*. 

Contents.— Sigiri, the Lion Rock, near Pulastipura, Ceylon ; and the Thirty-ninth Chapter 
of the Mahavamsa. By T. W. Rhys Davids.— The Northern Frontagers of China. Part I. 
The Originee of the Mongols. By H. H. Howorth.— Inedited Arabic Coins. By Stanley Lane 
Poole.— Notioe on the Dinars of the Abbasside Dynasty. By Edward Thomas Rogers.— The 
Northern Frontagers of China. Part II. The Origines of the Hanchns. By H. H. Howorth. 
—Notes on the Old Mongolian Capital of Shangtu. By 8. W. Bushell, B.Se., M.D.— Oriental 
Proverbs in their Relations to Folklore, History, Sociology ; with Suggestions for their Collec- 
tion, Interpretation, Publication. By the Rev. J. Long.— Two Old Simhalese Inscriptions. The 
Sahara Maua Inscription, date 1200 ▲ n.,and the Ruwanwali Dagaba Inscription, date 1191 a.d. 
Text, Translation, and Notes. By T. W. Rhys Davids.- Notes on a Bactnan Pali Inscription 
and the Sam vat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson.— Note on a Jade Drinking Vessel of the Emperor 
ahangfr. By Edward Thomas, F.R.S. 

Vol. VIII., Part I., pp. 156, sewed, with three plates and a plan. 1876. 8#. 

Contbnts. — Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Possession of the Royal 
Asiatic Society (Hodgson Collection). By Professors E. B. Cowell and J. Eggeling.— On the 
Ruins of Stgirl in Ceylon. By T. H. Blakesley, Esq., Public Works Department, Ceylon.- The 
Patimokkha, being the Buddhist Office or the Confession of Priests. The Pali Text, with a 
Translation, and Notes. By J. F. Dickson, M.A., sometime 8tudent of Christ Church, Oxford, 
now of the Ceylon Civil Service.— Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. 2. Proofs of the 
Sanskritio Origin of Sinhalese. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceyion Civil Serviee. 

Vol. VIII., Part II., pp. 157-308, sewed. 1876. 8«. 

Coivtrnts.— An Account of the Island of Bali. By R. Friederich.— The Pali Text of the Maha- 
parinibbana Sutta and Commentary, with a Translation. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon 
Civil Service.— The Northern Frontagers of China. Part III. The Kara Khitai. By H. H. 
Howorth.— Inedited Arabic Coins. II. By Stanley Lane Poole.— On the Form of Government 
under the Native Sovereigns of Ceylon. By A. de Silva Ekanayaka, Mudaliyar of the Depart- 
ment of Public Instruction, Ceylon. 

Vol. IX., Part I., pp. 156, sewed, with a plate. 1877. 8*. 

CosrrxxTS.— Baotrian Coins and Indian Dates. By- B. Thomas, F.R.8.— The Tenses of the 
Assyrian Verb. By the Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A.— An Account of the Island of Bali. By R. 
Friederich (continued from Vol. VIII. w.s. p. 218). — On Rains in Makran. By Major Mockler. 
—Inedited Arabic Coins. III. By Stanley Lane Poole,— Further Note on a Bactrian Pali Inscrip- 
tion and the Samvat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson. — Notes on Persian Beldohistan. From the 
Persian of Mlrxa Mehdy Khan. By A. H. Sohindler. 

Vol IX., Part II., pp. 292, sewed, with three plates. 1877. 10*. &*. 

CoNTUfTS.— The Early Faith of Asoka. By E. Thomas, F.R.8.— The Northern Frontagers 
of China. Part II. The Manohus (Supplementary Notice). By H. H. Howorth.— The Northern 
Frontagers of China. Part IV. The Kin or Golden Tatars. By H. H. Howorth. - On a Treatiso 
on Weights and Measures by Eliyi, Archbishop of Nisfbfn. By M. H. Sauvaire.— On Imperial 
and otheT Titles. By Sir T. E. Colebrooke, Bart, M. P.— Affinities of the Dialects of tbe Chepang 
and Kusundah Tribes of Nlpal with those of the Hill Tribes of Arracan. By Captain C. J. F. 
Forbes. F.R.O.8., M.A.S. Bengal, etc.— Notes on Some Antiquities found in a Mound near 
Damghan. By A. H. Schindler. 

Vol. X., Part I., pp. 156, sewed, with two plates and a map. 1878. 8*. 

Coirrnm.— On the Non- Aryan Languages of India. By E. L. Brandreth, Esq.— A Dialogue 
on the Vedantio Conception of Brahma. By Pramada Disa Mittra, late Officiating Professor of 
Anglo-8anskrit, Government College, Benares.— An Account of the Island of Ball. By R. 
Friederich (continued from Vol. IX. N. S. p. 120).— Unpublished Glass Weights and Measures. 
By Edward Thomas Rogers.— China via Tibet. By 8. C. Boulger.— Notes and Recollections on 
Tea Cultivation in Kumaon and Garhw&l. By J. H. Batten, F.R.G.8., Bengal Civil Service 
Retired, formerly Commissioner of Kumaon. 

Vol. X., Part II., pp. 146, sewed. 1878. 6* 

Cohtxnts.— Note on Pliny's Geography of the East Coast of Arabia. By Major-General 
8. B. Miles, Bombay Staff Corp*. -The Maldive Islands ; with a Vocabulary taken from Francois 
Pyrard de Laval, 1602—1607. By A. Gray, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— On Tibeto-Bunnan 
Languages. By Captain C. J. F. S. Forbes, of the Burmese Civil Service Commission. — Burmese 
Transliteration. By H. L. St. Barbe, Esq., Resident at Mandelay.— On the Connexion of the 
M5ns of Pegu with the Koles of Central India. By Captain C. J. F. 8. Forbes, of the Burmese 
Civil Commission.— Studies on the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, with 
Special Reference to Assyrian. By Paul Haupt. The Oldest Semitic Verb-Form.— Arab Metro- 
logy. II. El-Djabarty. By M. H. Sauvaire.— The Migrations and Early History of the White 
Huns ; principally from Chinese Sources. By Thomas W. Kingsmill. 

Vol. X., Part III., pp. 204, sewed. 1878. 8*. 

Coirrmirrs.— On the Hill Canton of 8Alar,— the most Easterly Settlement of the Turk Race. 
By Robert B. Shaw. -Geological Notes on the River Indus By Griffin W. Vyee, B.A., M.R.A.S , 
etc., Executive Engineer P.W.D. Panjab.— Educational Literature for Japanese Women. By 
Basil Hall Chamberlain, Esq., M.R.A.3.— On the Natural Phenomenon Known m the East by 

6 Linguistic Publications of Trubner Sf Co., 

the Names Sub-hi-K&zib, etc., etc. By J. W. Bftdhouae, M.R.A.8., Hon. Memb. E.8.L.— On 
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the Trtpitaka and two other works. By the Bey. Samuel Beal, M.A.— The Bock -out Phrygian 
Inscriptions at Doganlu. By Edward Thomas, F.R.8.— Index. 

Vol. XI., Part. I., pp. 128, sewed. 6s. 

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It. AS. - Ancient Arabic Poetry: its Genuineness and Authenticity . By 8ir William Mulr, K.C.S I., 
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By E. T. Rogers, M.R.A.S. 

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